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INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE 
NEW YORK CITY AREA— PART 7 

(Based on Testimony of Manning Johnson) 



HEARING 



BEFORE THE 



COMMITTEE ON UK-AMERKTAN ACTIVITIES 
•-1-^^ HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 



EIGHTY-THIRD CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 



JULY 8, 1953 
Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
33909 WASHINGTON : 1953 




Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

SEP 1 1 1953 



COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 
United States House of Representatives 

HAROLD H. VELDE, Illinois, Chairman 
BERNARD W. KEARNEY, New York FRANCIS E. WALTER. Pennsylvania 

DONALD L. JACKSON, California MORGAN M. MOULDER, Missouri 

KIT CLARDY, Michigan CLYDE DOYLE, California 

GORDON H. SCHERER, Ohio JAMES B. FRAZIER, Jr., Tennessee 

ROBIJUT L. KUNZIG, Counsel 

Pra.xk S. T.4VF.NNER, Jr., Couusel 

Louis J. Russell, Chief Invesfuiaior 

Thomas W. Beale, Sr., Chief Clerk 

Raphael I. Nixon, Director of Research 

II 



CONTENTS 



Page 

Testimony of Maiming Johnson 2145 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 1 : New Pioneer, February 1933, page 17, 
Science and History for Boys and Girls, by William Montgomery Brown, 

a review of this book l)y Bert Grant 2150 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 2 : New Pioneer, April 1932, pages 3 and 

4. article entitled "The Puppet Show," by Clarina Michelson 2153 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 3 : New Pioneer, April 1934, page 267, story 

entitled "Next Time It Will Be Different," by Martha Campion, illus- 
trated by Walter Quirt 2155 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 4 : New Pioneer, April 1933, page 15, cartoon 

signed "Lon Freeman"' 2156 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 5 : New Pioneer, February 1935, pages 10 
and 11 V 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 6: New Pioneer, December 1931, pages 10 

and 11, story entitled "St. Peter's Out," by Harry Alan Potamkin 2158 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 7 : New Pioneer, October 1934, page 10, 

article entitled "A Bellyful of Bayonets" 2160 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 8: New Pioneer, October 1931, page 11, 

cartoon 2162 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 9 : New Pioneer, February 1935, pages 8 and 
9, Little Lefty Reports on the Workers' Congress, by "Del" 2162 

Manning Jolmson Exhibit No. 10: The Communist, August 1939, pages 
702 and 703, excerpt from Secondary Aspects of Mass Organization, by 
AVilliam Z. Foster 2167 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 11 : Fight magazine, December 1935, page 2, 
American League Against War and Fascism, officers and executive com- 
mittee 2173 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 12 : Fight magazine, February 1934, page 11, 

article entitled, "Hit Munition INLakers" 2175 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 13 : Figlit magazine, February 1936, pages 
8 and 9, article entitled, "The Third Congress (Against War and 
Fascism)," by Paul Reid 2191 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 14 : Fight magazine, September 1934, page 

5, article entitled, "Anti-War Congress," by Earl Browder 2193 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 15: Fight magazine, February 1935, page 

14, article entitled, "The League's Program" 2195 

Manning Johnson Exhibit Nos. 16 and 17 : Fight magazine, February 1936, 
page 0, article entitled, "Action" Fight, March 1936, page 14, article 
entitled, "Program of the American League" 2196 

III 



Public Law 601, 79th Congress 

The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79th Congress [1946], chapter 
753, 2d session, which provides : 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
of America in Congress assembled, * * * 

PART 2— RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

Rule X 

SEC. 121. STANDING COMMITTEES 
******* 

17. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members. 

Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 
******* 

(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(A) Un-American activities. 

(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommit- 
tee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent, 
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attaclis 
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and 
(iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any neces- 
sary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such in- 
vestigation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such 
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, 
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 

IV 



RULES ADOPTED BY THE S3d CONGRESS 

House Resolution 5, January 3, 1953 
******* 

Rule X 

STANDING COMMITTEES 

1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Congress, 
the following standing committees : 

******* 
(q) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members. 

******* 

Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 
******* 

17. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American Activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time, investigations of (1) the extent, char- 
acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 

(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American prop- 
aganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and 
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu- 
tion, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in 
any necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Uu-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance of 
such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by such chairman, and may be served by any person designated 
by any such chairman or member. 



'U-"t«.A-, 








Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 5 
(New Pioneer, February 1935, pp. 10 and 11) 



VI 



INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE 
NEW YORK CITY AEEA-PART 7 

(Based on testimony of Manning Johnson) 



WEDNESDAY, JULY 8, 1953 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the Committee on 

Un-American Activities, 

New York, N. Y. 

executive session^ 

The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
met, pursuant to adjournment, at 10 : 05 a. m., in room 1305 of the 
United States Courthouse, Foley Square, New York, N. Y., Hon. 
Gordon H. Scherer presiding. 

Committee member present: Representative Gordon H. Scherer. 

Staff memb-ers present: Robert L. Kunzig, counsel; W. Jackson 
Jones, Alvin W. Stokes, and George E. Cooper, investigators; Larry 
Kerley, special investigator ; and Mrs. Juliette Joray , acting clerk. 

]Mr. Scherer. Let the record show that the Honorable Harold H. 
Velde, chairman of the House Committee on Un-American Activities, 
has appointed Representative (jordon H. Scherer, of Ohio, as a sub- 
connnittee of one to conclude the New York hearings. 

Present are Mr. Robert L. Kunzig, counsel of the committee, and 
Mrs. Juliette Joray, acting clerk. 

Mr. Counsel, you may proceed. 

jNIr. Kunzig. We are ready for the witness, Mr. Chairman. 

Will Mr. INIanning Johnson please step forward? 

Mr. Scherer. Mr. Johnson, do you solemnly swear that the testi- 
mony you are about to give before this subcommittee shall be the 
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Johnson. I do. 

]Mr. Kunzig. Would you state your full name for the record and 
spell it, please, for the stenographer. 

TESTIMONY OF MANNING JOHNSON 

Mr. Johnson. Manning Johnson, M-a-n-n-i-n-g J-o-h-n-s-o-n. 
Mr. Kunzig. What is your present address, Mr. Johnson? 
Mr. Johnson. My present address is 70 Columbus Avenue. 
Mr. Kunzig. I note, Mr. Johnson, that you are not accompanied by 
counsel here this morning. I am sure you understand you are privi- 



I 



1 Released by the full committee. 

2145 



2146 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

leged to be advised by an attorney at all times while testifying if you 
so desire. Do I take it that you prefer to testify without an attorney ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes; I do. 

Mr. KuNziG. Then we will continue. Would you give the subcom- 
mittee a resume of your educational and occupational background? 
Just tell us your experiences, your main experiences up to date. 

Mr. Johnson. I was born in Washington, D. C., December 18, 1907. 
I was educated in the elementary, junior high, and high school in 
Washington, D. C. I graduated from the Naval Air Technical Train- 
ing School in Memphis, Tenn. I graduated from the national training 
school of the Communist Party. m 

Mr. KuNziG. What year was that? ^ 

Mr. Johnson. 1932. At the present time I am employed as a con- 
sultant in the Investigation Section of the Department of Justice, 
Immigration and Naturalization Service, in the city of New York. 
In 1930, in the city of Buffalo, N. Y., I joined the Communist Party, 
In 1931 I was appointed district agitation and propaganda director, 
a position which I held until 1932. In the latter part of 1932 I was 
appointed district organizer of the Communist Party in Buffalo, 
N. Y., district No. 4. I remained district organizer until the middle 
of 1934. I was later transferred to New York City, the headquarters 
of the Communist Party in America. 

In 1934 or 1935 I became a member of the trade union commission 
of the national committee of the Communist Party. I held this posi- 
tion until 1940. 

I was also a member of the national Negro commission of the na- 
tional committee of tlie Communist Party. I was appointed to this 
position in either 1934 or 1935. I held this position up until I left 
the party in 1940. I was also a member of the national committee of 
the Communist Party. I was elected to the national committee at 
the national convention of the Communist Party in 1936. I remained 
a member of the national committee until the national convention of 
the Communist Party in 1938. 

I left the Communist Party — that is, I attended my last meeting in 
1940, though I had decided in 1939 that I was tlirough with com- 
munism and that forever after I would conscientiously and vigorously 
oppose it, vocally and spiritually. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, this committee is studying the activities 
of certain individuals in the field of clergy with special attention to 
their alleged Communist and subversive activities. Since you have 
such a fund of knowledge of the activities of Communists in this coun- 
try, would you state briefly the Communist position on religion? 

Mr. Johnson. Briefly, the Communist Party is antireligious. 
Communism and religion have nothing in common. Religion is the 
antithesis of communism. Consequently, the Communists are un- 
alterably opposed to it, and their program calls for a ceaseless struggle 
or war to the complete extermination and extinction of religion from 
the face of the earth. Atheism, as I know it, on the basis of my per- 
sonal experience as a Communist and my study of the documents of 
the party — that no member of the Communist Party can be a member 
of the party unless he becomes an atheist. 

I have here a statement by Earl BroAvder "Wliat is Communism?" 
page 146, in which he states in reply to the question, "Must a member 
of the Communist Party be an atheist?" that — 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2147 

The Comniunists maintain that the roliffious holiofs of a person are his private 
concern in rehition to the state and j,^ovornniontal policies. The state should 
not dictate religious beliefs. We Communists are completely opposed on prin- 
ciple to state coercion in regard to ri^ligious beliefs. Of course Communists do 
not believe religion to be a private matter insofar as it concerns mcnnbers of our 
revolutionary party. We stand without any reservations for education that will 
root out belief in "the supernatural, that will remove the religious prejudices 
which stand in the way of organizing the masses for socialism, that will with- 
draw the special privileges of religious institutions, but as far as religious workers 
go, tlie party does not insist that they abandon their beliefs before they join the 
partv. Our test for such people is whether they represent and fight for the 
aspiration of the masses. If they do, we will welcome them into our party 
and we exercise no coercion against their religious beliefs within our movement. 

We subject their religious beliefs to careful and systematic criticism, and we 
expect that they will not be able to withstand this educational process. It is 
our experience "that their work in the movement will bring them to see the 
correctness of our viewpoint on the question. 

Mv. KuxziG. Mr. Johnson, do you by any chance have the date that 
the book, What Is Communism ? was published ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes; it was published in 1936, Workers Library Pub- 
lishers, in New York. 

INIr. KuNziG. As I understand it, then, Mr. Johnson, you are saying, 
in effect, that atheism is a must for all Communists. 

Mr. Johnson. It is a must. 

I wish to call your attention to an additional quote from Earl 
Browder's book. What Is Communism? in which he says that — 

It is significant that the Communist Party, more than any other labor group, 
has been able to achieve successful united fronts with church groups on the 
most important issues of the day. This is not due to any compromise with reli- 
gion as such on our part. In fact, by going among the religious masses we are, 
for the first time, able to bring our antireligious ideas to them. 

This is pa^e 147, chapter 17, "Wliat About Religion ? 

Mr. KuNZiG. Do you have further documentary evidence proving 
the point that you are making that Communists are unalterably 
opposed to religion ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes; I have, and I would like to quote from one of 
the international leaders of the Communist movement and a member 
of the Communist Party of Russia, E. Yaroslavsky. From his book 
I quote. Religion in the U. S. S. R., and, of course, published by 
International Publishers in New York, a Communist publishing 



agency 

ISIr. KuNziG. Do you have the date ? 
Mr. Johnson. 1934. He states : 

Is it not possible to be a Communist and at the same time believe in religion ; 
i. e., believe that the whole world is controlled by a god or number of gods and 
that everything on earth is done by the will of these gods or of their assistance? 
The saints or the malice of evil spirits, devils, flpuds, Satan V Is it possible to 
live without believing in God and yet preserving morality? 

Mr. KuNziG. You are still quoting, but you have skipped something, 
have you not ? 
Mr. Johnson. Yes. 

Every Leninist, every Communist, every class-conscious worker and peasant 
must be able to explain why a Communist cannot support religion, why Commu- 
nists fight against religion, and every Communist must be able to answer the 
questions put to him by his fellow workers on that subject. 

Mr. KuNziG. Were you, Mr. Johnson, ever personally given instruc- 
tion in atheism ? 

33909— 53— rt. 7 2 



2148 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Mr. Johnson. Yes; I was. When I first joined the Communist 
Party, the district organizer, Peter Chaunt, C-h-a-u-n-t, and a mem- 
ber of the district bureau and the district committee of the Communist 
Party by the name of Otto Hall, talked at great length to me on the sub- 
ject of communism and religion. The essence of what they said was 
that man made God, not God made man, and that the duty of every 
Communist is to rid himself of the supernatural bondage of religion ; 
that religion is used by the powers that be in order to keep the masses 
of the people in docile submission to exploitation. Therefore, the 
liberation of the masses of humanity is dependent upon their emanci- 
pation from religious ideology. 

In addition to these so-called lessons of indoctrination, they gave me 
Lenin's writings on religion, in which he states practically the same 
thing. 

Mr. KuNziG. When and where was this given to you, Mr. Johnson ? 

Mr. Johnson. This was in Buffalo, N. Y., when I first joined the 
party, in 1930. 

Mr. KuNziG. Do you have any samples of any printed instruction 
which was given to you ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I do have. I was given the pamphlets and 
booklets that were written by Bishop William Montgomery Brown. 
He was a prominent Episcopalian bishop who was expelled from the 
church because of heresy. He devoted the balance of his life to a 
war on religion. He published such books as the Banki-uptcy of 
Christian Supernaturalism, Heresy, and others. The Communist 
Party received a large supply of these antireligious pamphlets, and 
they circulated them very extensively. They either gave them away 
or sold them. 

Mr. KuNziG. Throughout the United States of America? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, throughout the United States. 

Mr. ScHERER. Let me just ask one question. You have here with 
you this morning some of the books and pamphlets of Bishop Brown 
to which you have referred ; have you not ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I have. 

Mr. ScHERER. Would you just for the record say which ones are 
in your possession at this time ? 

Mr. Johnson. I have a copy of the Bankruptcy of Christian Super- 
naturalism, volumes 1, 2, and 3. 

Mr. ScHERER. Off the record. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

Mr. ScHERER. Mr. Johnson, in the books of Bishop Brown to which 
you have just referred, is there anything of significance which should 
be brought to the attention of the committee ? 

_ Mr. Johnson. Yes, there is. He states in Communism and Chris- 
tianism, on page 210 : 

Christianism is nothing to eitlier the owners or workers in the sky, for Its 
God and heaven, devil and hell are lies, and neither religious Christianism or 
political republicanism or democratism, not to speak of the other evils of re- 
ligion and politics, offers the workers aught on earth. Capitalism is the god 
of this world, of no part of it no more than of these United States, and capi- 
talism is to the laborer a wrong, lying, murderous devil, not a good divinity. 

I may also state that the main theme of Bishop Brown was to 
banish gods from the heavens and capitalists from the earth for the 
science of Moscow against the superstition of Eome. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2149 

Bishop Brown not only wrote such books for adults, but he also 
wrote books for children in order to indoctrinate them in atheisni. 

Mr. SciiERER. Let me ask at this point, is Bishop Brown still alive ? 

Mr. Johnson. No, Bishop Brown is dead and incidentally, he willed 
his entire estate to the Communist Party. 

Mr. ScHERER. When did he die ; do you know ? 

Mr. Johnson. I do not recall. 

Mr. SciiERER. Approximately. 

Mr. Johnson. About 10 years ago. 

Mr. ScHERER. And he was bishop of what church? 

Mr. Johnson. Episcopal bishop, but I do not know exactly which 
church. 

I stated before that he also issued antireligious material for chil- 
dren, and I have here a photostatic copy taken from the New Pioneer, 
the second month in the 33d year. That is February 1933. This is 
an article Science and Nature for Johnny Rebel, by Bert Grant, which 
was a review of a book written by Bishop Brown, and Grant said : 

Once there was a young man who made his living by telling the workers fairy 
tales about how the world was created. He also told them how the world was 
going to end and what they must do to be saved when that happened. Most of 
all, he was trained to lead the minds of workers and their children away from 
their problems on this earth and to occupy their attention as much as possible 
with affairs in some supposed other world beyond the sky. That is what all 
ministers and priests make their living by doing, and this young man was a 
minister. He preached in the Episcopal Church, but as he grew older, he came 
to see how false his preaching was and how it really held the workers and their 
children back instead of helping them. He therefore began to talk and write 
in a different way. He began to show the workers how the churches had always 
taught them what was not true and how these untrue teachings had stood in 
the way of human progress. For that lie was thrown out of the church. Now 
he has written a grand book, especially for workers' children, putting 2 billion 
years of science and history into a simple, thrilling story that every Johnny and 
Jill Rebel can read and enjoy, and how different it is from the dull mistaken 
stuff they teach in school and church. No lists of dates and presidents, no 
hocus pocus about spirits that don't exist, no comments to be loyal to the em- 
ployers and their government and let them keep on robbing us — quite the oppo- 
site. Every page tears to tatters some pet idea that the bosses try to make, the 
teachers try to force into their heads. 

Let us take two sets of statements. Set No. 1 is: The earth is 4,000 years 
old ; the world and all li^■ing things in it were made in 1 week ; everything was 
created by a Spirit called God; men were all wicked until Christian religion 
came into the world to teach them goodness ; the church built the first schools 
and hospitals and abolished slavery, helped science to grow, and established 
human brotherhood. 

If the workers come into power as in the Russian revolution, they will act 
cruelly and stupidly and destroy civilization. 

You'd get an A-plus if you answered "True" to these statements in most 
schools, wouldn't you ? But let us look at set No. 2 : 

The earth is 2 billion years old. For millions of years there was no life 
on the earth. Then the very tiny plants called bacteria appeared in the hot 
ocean and very gradually the life so started and developed in all plants and 
animals we have now, and man was the latest animal to develop, coming about 
a million years ago. There are no spirits and everything there grew to its 
present condition without the interference of any god. Great thinkers taught 
goodness and science and people were industrious and kindhearted long before 
Christianity existed. The church was always in favor of slavery, tyranny and 
war, did everything it could to crush science and has stood with the rich and 
powerful against the workers in every age. The Russian revolution in which 
the workers are planning their own life and using for themselves the wealth 
they create, is the most important single advance civilization has made. 

Quite a different point of view, isn't it? But this is the truth and set No. 1 is 
bunk, and these are only a few of the fascinating facts this inspiring book will 



2150 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE NEW YORK AREA 

tell you ; even though there are no pictures, you will spend many an interesting 
hour reading the little volume and talking about it with your comrades. 

The name of the book? Oh, yes. It Is Science and History for Boys and Girls 
by William Montgomery Brown. It has 320 pages, and you can get it through the 
New Pioneer office for only 25 cents. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, you are testifying that this type of 
printed material, poisoning the minds of American youths, was sent 
out by the Communist Party all over this country, is that right? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, that is correct, and mind you, those are young 
people between the ages of 10 and 16. 

Mr, KuNziG. I have here a photostatic copy of page 17, of New 
Pioneer, issue of February 1933, which has just been read by the wit- 
ness, headed "Science and Nature for Johnny Rebel." It is marked 
"Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 1," and I should like to offer it into 
evidence. 

Mr. ScHERER. It will be received. 

(The photostatic copy of the article, Science and Nature for Johnny 
Rebel, was received in evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 1.) 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 1 

(New Pioneer, February 1933, p. 17) 

Science and Nature For Johnny Eebel 

A Grand New Science Book by Bert Grant 

Once there was a young man who made his living by telling the workers fairy 
tales about how the world was created. He also told them how the world was 
going to end, and what they must do to be "saved" when that happened. Most of 
all, he was trained to lead the minds of the workers and their children away 
from their problems on this earth, and to occupy their attention as much as 
possible with affairs in some supposed "other world" beyond the sky. 

That is what all ministers and priests make their living by doing, and this 
young man was a minister. He preached in the Episcopal Church. But as he 
grew older he came to see how false this preaching was, and how it really held 
the workers and their children back instead of helping them. He therefore 
began to talk and write in a very different way. He began to show the workers 
how the churches had always taught them what was not true, and how these 
untrue teachings had stood in the way of human progress. For that he was 
thrown out of the church. 

Now he has written a gi-and book especially for workers' children, putting 2 
billion years of science and history into a simple, thrilling story that every Johnny 
and Jill Rebel can read and enjoy. 

And how different it all is from the dull, mistaken stuff they teach us in school 
and church. No lists of dates and presidents, no hocus-pocus about spirits that 
don't exist, no comments to be "loyal" to the employers and their government and 
let them keep on robbing us. 

Quite the opposite. Every page tears to tatters some pet idea that the bosses 
try to make the teachers try to force into our heads. 

Let us take two sets of statements. Set No. 1 is : 

The earth is 4,000 years old. 

The world and all living things in it were made in 1 week. 

Everything was created by a Spirit called God. 

Men were all wicked until the Christian religion came into the world to 
teach goodness. 

The church built the first schools and hospitals, abolished slavery, helped 
science to grow and established human brotherhood. 

If the workers come into power, as in the Russian Revolution, they will act 
cruelly and stupidly and destroy civilization. 

You'd get an A-plus if you answered "true" to those statements in most schools, 
wouldn't you? But now let us look at set No. 2 : 

The earth is 2 billion years old. 



COMLIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2151 

For millions of years there was no life on the earth. Then very tiny plants, 
called bacteria, appeared in the hot oceans, and very gradually the life so started 
developed into all plants and animals we have now. Man was the latest animal 
to develop, coming about a million years ago. 

There are no spirits, and everything there grew to its present condition with- 
out the interference of any god. 

Great thinkers taught goodness and science, and people were industrious and 
kindhearted long before Christianity existed. 

The church was always in favor of slavery, tyranny, and war, did everything 
it could to crush science, and has stood with the rich and powerful against the 
workers in every age. 

The Russian revolution, in which the workers are planning their own lives and 
using for themselves the wealth they create, is the most important single advance 
civilization has ever made. 

Quite a different point of view, isn't it? But this is the truth, and set No. 1 
is bunk. And these are only a few of the fascinating facts this inspiring book 
will tell you. Even though there are no pictures, you'll spend many an inter- 
esting hour reading the little volume and talking about it with your comrades. 

The name of the book? Oh, yes — it is Science and History for Boys and 
Girls, by William Montgomery Brown. It has 320 pages, and you can get it 
through the New Pioneer office for only 25 cents. 

Mv. KuNziG. Yoli have just given us an example of the type of 
printed material which is sent out to children. Would you go a little 
bit further into the type of instruction which the youth and the chil- 
dren receive under commimism? 

Mr. Johnson. When I was a member of the Communist Party, the 
Communist Party paid special attention to the indoctrination of the 
youth. They in fact issued special bulletins instructing leaders and 
teachers with regard to the type of training for the youth. 

I have here in my possession a pamphlet, The Worker's Child, which 
was published in April 1933 by the Central Pioneer Bureau. It is a 
bulletin for teachers, leaders, and parents of proletarian and foreign 
children. I wish to quote from this book to give you an indication of 
the kind and nature of training and where it comes from that these 
children were to be given. 

IMr. KuNziG. Please continue and give us a brief and most important 
quote. 

Mr. Johnson, On page 6 it states : 

It was only in the summer of 1930 with the adoption of a resolution on work 
among cliildren by the executive committee of the Young Communist International 
and Communist International that a change took place in our conception of work 
among children. This line was further emphasized successively by the sixth 
convention of the Young Communist League in its pioneer commission and by a 
recent resolution of the central committee of the Communist Party. These docu- 
ments clarified further the basic line underlying a Communist approach to child 
education, the necessity for childlike methods of work as well as the role of the 
working class as a whole in the development of a mass childi'en's movement. 
During this time the Pioneer magazine was developed. While it is necessary to 
understand the resolution of the Communist Party in the light of development 
of our movement, it is not the purpose of this article to go into detail on this 
subject. 

Mr. ScHERER. We will have a short recess. 
( Where uj)on a short recess was taken.) 

Mr. KuNzio. Was the Young Communist League for young people 
of ages 16 to 25, is that correct ? 
Mr. Johnson. That is correct. 

Mr. KuNziG. The Young Pioneers were from ages 10 to 16 ? 
Mr. Johnson. That is correct. 



2152 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Mr. KuNZiG. This magazine, the New Pioneer, was a Communist 
Party publication, I presume, issued by the children's bureau of the 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Johnson, Yes ; that is correct. 

Mr. KuNziG. Do you have any further documents or material evi- 
dence you can present to this committee illustrating the type of prop- 
aganda which was put out by the Communist Party in religion ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I have ; and before I present that, I would like 
to state that what is written in the Pioneer magazine is written directly 
and not in a roundabout way, because that is necessary for the proper 
education of the child. 

Mr. KuNziG. You mean the Communist Party does not attempt to 
beat around the bush when they are dealing with children. They deal 
directly and say what they mean so that it can penetrate the children's 
minds ? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. 

I have before me a cartoon and an article written by Clarina Michel- 
son, who has for years been a leader of the Communist Party with 
whom I have worked in leading committees of the party during the 
period of my membership. The subject of this article, I quote, "The 
Puppet Show." Now, this cartoon shows a capitalist with a fistful of 
money manipulating puppets. The puppets are a sheriff, a policeman, 
a minister, a judge, and a plant guard. The moral of this story is that 
the puppets are only the tools of the capitalist class. 

Now, Clarina Michelson makes this very clear in the concluding 
2 paragraphs of the 2 stories which I would like to read into the 
record. 

Mr. KuNziG. Proceed. 

Mr. Johnson. I quote : 

And they had the idea that when the United States Constitution guaranteed 
them the rights of free speech and free assemblage that they had a right to meet 
and spealc. They were surprised and they began to think, and then they saw 
that there were two sides, that they and their wives and the kids, all workers, 
were on one side, and that on the otlier side were the coal operators, mill owners, 
and all the otlier capitalists, together with the governors, judges, city. State, 
and Federal authorities, together with the newspapers, churches, schools, and 
the law, and they saw that all these were linked up together and all were part 
of the same thing. When workers and their kids think that clearly and see that 
clearly, it is pretty good thinking, and when enough of us do, we will give that 
puppet show such a sock it will be smashed to smithereens and we will give the 
fat manager of the show, Mr. Capitalist, such a big kick in the middle of his 
system that he will see the workers have come into their own — and they will 
have. 

Mr. Ktjnzig. Mr. Chairman, I have in my hand a photostatic copy 
of this document by Clarina Michelson which has just been identified 
here by the witness. It is an article appearing on pages 3 and 4 of 
the New Pioneer, issite of April 1932. It is marked "Manning John- 
son Exhibit No. 2" for identification, and I should like to offer this 
into evidence as Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 2. 

Mr. ScHERER. It may be so admitted. 

(The article, The Puppet Show, was received in evidence as Man- 
ning Johnson Exhibit No. 2.) 



COMMUNIST ACTWITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2153 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 2 

New Pioneer, April ld'i2, Pages 3-4 

The Puppet Show 

By Clarina Michelson 

Do yon know what a pnppet show is? Well, there is a stage, very small, too 
small for real people to act on. The actors on this stage are jointed wooden dolls. 
They are dressed up like real men and women. They walk and sit down and 
dance and turn somersaults, and you wonder — How come? And then you see 
that a siring is attached to each one of them and all these strings are held by 
the manager of the show. When he pulls the strings they jump. They do just 
what he wants them to do. 

It ***** * 

Down in the State of Kentucky the miners have been digging coal way under- 
ground, at the daily risk of their lives, working for long hours — 10 and 12 hours a 
day. Instead of getting extra high wages for slaving under very terrible condi- 
tions — sometimes bent over double, sometimes working in water, sometimes be- 
coming unconscious from the bad air in the mines — these coal diggers get hardly 
any wages at all. When they get back to their leaky shacks after a hard day's 
work, they would find the children had not been able to go to school because they 
had no clothes, that the baby was sick because there was no milk, and there was 
nothing to eat for supper except the same old potatoes, pinto beans, and corn- 
bread. 

The miners and their wives were angry that wages were so low and conditions 
so bad. Almost every miner thought to himself, "This can't go on. I must do 
something to get food and clothes for the wife and kids." But they didn't know 
just what to do. Then last summer a group of Kentucky miners went to a big 
convention of the National Miners Union in Pittsburgh and then they said : "This 
won't go on! We will do something!" Other miners in Kentucky heard about 
the National Miners Union and pretty soon, instead of each one thinking to him- 
self what he would do, they were all thinking together what they would do. 
They decided to build up a strong union — and strike against starvation. And 
they did. The men of each mine organized a union local of that mine. And 
the women organized branches, too. And so did the children. On .January 18 
thousands of miners, helped and encouraged by their wives and kids, came out 
on strike. 

* * * * 55: * sjs 

Here's where the puppet show comes in. Try to imagine that evei'y news])aper 
all over the State of Kentucky is I'epresented by one of those little wodden dolls. 
Try to imagine that all the churches are represented by another, and that all the 
judges, county, and district attorneys, policemen, and deputy sheriffs, are repre- 
sented by other dolls. Attached to each one of these dolls is a string, and the 
strings are held in the hands of a big fat manager of the show, representing the 
coal operators. 

When this show manager heard the voices of the miners growing louder and 
louder, saying they were organizing and going to strike, he got purple Iti the face 
from rage. "How dare my slaves interfere with my profits !" he howled. "How 
dare they ! I'll show them who's boss around here !" And he quickly pulled one 
of the strings. 

Typewriters began to click, and every newspaper all over Kentucky began to 
gi-ind out : "The Kentucky miners are Russian Reds. They will destroy the 
property of the rich. They will break up the home. They must be driven out, 
arrested, or killed." 

Then he pulled another string, and from every church all over Kentucky shrill 
voices screeched : "Outside agitators have come into our fair southland, upset- 
ting the peace and harmony the miners were enjoying. Cdmmunism is a slim.v 
serpent. It aims to destroy the chui'ches (where we get a good fat living). It 
says there is no God. These foreigners who dare to demand higher wages for our 
contented working class must be driven out, arrested, killed." 

Then he pulled some more strings, and all the policemen, deputy sheriffs, and 
underworld characters, arrived with high-powered rifles and machine guns. 
They swarmed to wherever the miners were, shouting, "There'll be no meetings. 



2154 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

No more speeches. "We've come to shoot down women and children. Anyone 
trying to meet or speali, for the National Miners Union, Workers International 
Relief, or International Labor Defense, must be driven out, arrested, or killed." 

Then he pulled another string, and every potbellied judge all over Kentucky 
solemnly nooded his head, and said : "We must protect our property. We must 
protect our profits. A drop of Kentucky blood is worth more than all the Reds 
in the world. The electric chair is too good for them. They should be lined up 
against a wall and shot. Guilty. Guilty. Slam 'em all in jail. Give them 21 
years." He pulled another string, and the Governor said, "Amen." * * * 

The Kentucky miners, whose ancestors were early American settlers, had be- 
lieved what they read in the papers. Now they were surprised to find they had 
suddenly become Russian Reds. "If organizing and striking against starvation 
and terror is l)eing a Red, I guess I am a Red," they said. Many of them had 
thought that the law was "for rich and poor alike." 

Now they saw different. And they had an idea that when the United States 
Constitution guaranteed them the rights of free speech and free assemblage, that 
they had a right to meet and speak. They were surprised and they began to 
think. And then they saw that there were two sides ; that they, and their wives 
and kids — all workers, were on one side. And that on the other side were the 
coal operators, mill owners, and all the other capitalists, together with the 
governors, judges, city, State, and Federal authorities. Together with the news- 
papers, churches, schools, and the law. And they saw that all these were linked 
up together, and all were part of the same thing. 

When workers and their kids think that clearly, and see that clearly, it is 
pretty good thinking. And when enough of us do, we will give that puppet show 
such a sock, it will be smashed to smithereens, and we will give the fat manager 
of the show, Mr. Capitalist, such a big kick in the middle of his system, that 
he'll see the workers have come into their own. And they will have. 

Mr. Johnson. I have here also another cartoon and an article, the 
subject of which is, Next Time It Will Be Different^ by Martha Cam- 
pion, the picture by Walter Quirt. The cartoon shows 

Mr. ScHERER. Will you excuse me just a minute? Do you know 
anything about the background of the author and the 

Mr. Johnson. Martha Campion was a member of the Young Com- 
munist League. 

Mr. ScpiERER. Do you know anything about the cartoonist ? 

Mr. Johnson. I do not recall at this particular time. 

Mr. ScHERER. Go ahead, I am sorry. 

Mr. Johnson. This cartoon shows a capitalist behind whom stands 
a priest and another individual shouting, "War, War, War," There is 
also in the cartoon a picture, "Give 'til it hurts," an attempt to sell 
Liberty bonds to a student with a worker lying prostrate on the 
ground. 

The moral of this cartoon is self-evident, but clearly indicates that 
the priest is a supporter of war and of capitalism which, according to 
the Communists,* breeds war, and tliat the only thing tliat a woi4?:er 
can get out of it is death on the battkfields. In this way they inject 
their antireligion poison in the tender minds of children between the 
ages of 10 and 16. Once the religious convictions of a child are de- 
stroyed, it is very eas}^ to indoctrinate them in the Comnnmist philos- 
ophy of hate. 

Mr. KuNziG. I have in my hand a photostatic copy of page 267, of 
New Pioneer, April 1931, containing an article entitled "Next Time It 
Will Be Different," by Martha Campion, which has just been testified 
to, marked "Manning Johnson Exliibit No. 3," and I shoidd like to 
offer this into evidence, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. ScHERER. It may be received. 

(The document entitled "Next Time It Will Be Different" was 
received in evidence as Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 3.) 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2155 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 3 

(New Pioneer, April 1934, page 267) 

Next Time It Will Be Different 

By Martha Campion 

(Picture by Walter Quirt) 

"Do you remember anything about the last war, Jean?" some Pioneers asked 
their comrade leader while they were waiting for their meeting to begin. 

"I was pretty young," responded Jean, "but I remember a few things about 
it." 

"Tell us," urged the Pioneers. "Did the Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts really do 
so much to help the war? And what did the other boys and girls do?" 

"Well, they did plenty. Suppose I tell you just what I remember. I guess the 
first thing was the reelection of President Wilson. My father said one night, 
"Well, I've been a Republican all my life, but I'm voting for Wilson. He kept us 
out of war." 

"The fathers of most of the girls and boys I knew voted for Wilson, too. One 
girl's father voted for Hughes, and we used to tease her by saying, 'I guess you 
want a war if you vote for him. You ought to vote for Wilson because he kept 
us out of war.' 

"Of course, we didn't know that there was no difference between Hughes the 
Republican and Wilson the Democrat. We didn't know that both parties were 
backed by the bosses and both would have to do what the bosses wanted. 

"The bosses and (sic) been been preparing for war for a long time, but we 
didn't know that either. I remember when I was in the first grade we used to 
march around the room with flags over our shoulders singing a song that went 
like this : 

" 'Soldier boy, soldier boy, where ai'e you going 
Waving so proudly the red, white, and blue? 
I'm fighting for my country where duty calls me 
If you'll be a soldier boy, you may come too.' 

"And, of course we all learned the American Creed and all that. 

"The next thing I remember is this. One day in April — a day like today — I 
went to the corner to get the daily newspaper. I brought it back to our porch 
where my mother was sitting with the baby on her lap. I spread the paper out 
on the porch and lay down on my belly to read it. Usually I read the comics 
first and stopped there, but this day the big letters on the front page caught 
niy eye. I spelled out the headlines aloud : 

United States Declares War on Germany 

"I was so intent on spelling out the words, that they didn't mean anything 
to me. They were just so many words I could read. But when my mother 
heard me, she jumped up and exclaimed 'You're joking." 

"I was surprised. How could I be joking about something I didn't even under- 
stand? 

" 'Give me that paper,' she said. Then I began to realize how important this 
headline was. 

"Then I remember how it was in school during the war. We sang war songs in 
assembly every morning. All about how the American soldiers were going to 
kill all the Germans. 

"Our teachers called the Germans 'Huns.' They told us how their (sic.) 
nailed little babies to barn doors and made their mothers sit and watch them 
die. They told us all sorts of horrible stories about the Germans, and we all 
believed them. Of course, we realize now * * *." 

Mr. Johnson. Once religion is destroyed in the minds of young- 
sters between the ages of 10 and 16, it is very easy for the Communist 
Party to indoctrinate them in their philosophy of hate, and they do 
this very cleverly. 

I have here a cartoon taken from the New Pioneer, April 1933, 
signed Lou Freeman, in which there is a capitalist hanging from a 

33909— 53— pt. 7 3 



2156 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 



tree, alongside of which are the following words : "Not long from now 
the bourgeoise will all be hanging from a tree." 

In other words, they are instilling in the minds of these youngsters 
the commission of murder, of lynchmg. 

Mr. KuNziG. The cartoon from the New Pioneer, page 15, of April 
1933, which has just been testified to, I have in my hand and is Man- 
ning Johnson Exhibit No. 4, and I ask that it be admitted into evi- 
dence, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. ScHERER. It may be so admitted. 

(The cartoon referred to was received in evidence as Manning John- 
son Exhibit No. 4.) 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 4 
(New Pioneer, April 1933, p. 15) 




THOJSMOS UPON 
TH0USArvD5 OfOMlON$ 
OP MILK AKE 

POURED INTO THL 

SEA -VJH!L£. 

THOU5AMD5 OF 

CHILDREN ARE 

STARVING FOR 

LACK Of IT 



Page IS 

Mr. Johnson. I have here an article and cartoon from the New 
Pioneer, February 1935. The subject of the article is, We Won't Be 
Fooled Again, story by Helen Zunser, Z-u-n-s-e-r. This cartoon 
shows a huge capitalist, alongside of whom is standing representatives 
of the clergy and the militarists. Between his legs, the capitalist's 
legs, is a rabble rouser. In another cartoon alongside of this is a car- 
toon of the capitalists, the clergy, and the military fleeing from the 
revolt of the workers and the farmer. The moral of the story is that 
the ministers, the capitalists, and the military and their spellbinders 
create war. They created the last war, and they will create war again, 
and only the revolt of the masses of workers and farmers against 
them will be able to defeat their plans for another war — in other 
words, will turn the war into a civil war and overthrow the Govern- 
ment like the workers did in Soviet Russia. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2157 

Mr. KuNziG. I have a photostatic copy of, We Won't Be Fooled 
Again, from the New Pioneer of February 1935, marked "Manning 
Johnson Exhibit No. 5," and I ask respectfully, sir, that this be ad- 
mitted into evidence. 

Mr. ScHERER. It may be so admitted. 

(The photostatic copy of We Won't Be Fooled Again was received 
in evidence as Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 5.)^ 

Mr. KuNziG. Do you have any further illustrations of Communist 
attempts to influence the minds of children? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I have. 

This is an article written by Alan Potamkin. The subject of the 
article is, St. Peter's Out. 

The cartoon in the picture, most interesting, shows young boys 
dressed in football clothes attacking a Jewish rabbi, a minister, and 
a nun, and a policeman. The conclusion of the article has a doleful 
ditty : 

The game was played on Sunday in old St. Peter's yard. Jesus was the full- 
back and the Holy Ghost the guard. Tommy tried to butt us, but he got butted 
just too hard. 

This is the sort of stuff that the Youner Communist Leaarue and the 
Young Pioneers have circulated to youths between the ages of 10 
and 16. 

I have several other articles and cartoons along this same line that 
I would like to introduce into the record. 

Mr. ScHERER. Let me ask you this, Mr. Johnson: If I am correct 
in assuming that the purpose of your testimony in referring to these 
articles and cartoons is to indicate that children who would accept 
this type of propaganda could not possibly accept the teachings of any 
of our major religions? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. The whole purpose is to destroy 
religion among the youngsters and to prepare them for indoctrina- 
tion of the whole program of the Communist Party. 

As I said before, the philosophy of hate — and I would like to say 
here that I was reading a ditty that was published along this line 
which goes on to say : 

In '17 we went to war ; in '17 we went to war ; in '17 we went to war — ^we're 
wiser now in '34. It's time to turn those guns the other way. 

In bosses' war the worker gets — in bosses' war the worker gets — in bosses' 
war the worker gets — a belly full of bayonets. It's time to turn those guns the 
other way. 

This is the antithesis of Christian charity, teaching the youngster 
to disbelieve in God and at the same time indoctrinating him in hate 
and murder. 

Mr. ScHERER. You arrived at those conclusions which you have 
just given the committee not only from the articles you have just read 
from and which have been introduced in evidence, but from your 
long and intimate experience in the Communist Party itself, is that 
right? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes; during the period that I was a leader in the 
Communist Party, I assisted in the sale and distribution and circula- 
tion of these magazines, and I was fully aware of the content of them 
at that particular time, and I know that they were spread far and wide. 



1 For Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 5, see frontispiece, p. vi. 



2158 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

but what is most significant is that those children were youngsters at 
that time, and they are today grown men and women. 

Mr. ScHERER. I assume, Mr. Johnson, that your realization of the 
damage which you were doing by participating in these types of 
activities was one of the reasons that caused you to leave the party, 
am I correct? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct, it was one of the reasons, and I 
happened to run across a letter that was written by a young girl to the 
Young Pioneer and published in the Pioneer magazine that really 
made me ashamed of some of the work that I assisted in doing during 
the time that I was in the party. I would like to read this letter. 

Mr. ScHERER. You may read it. 

Mr. Johnson (reading) : 

The church keeps the workers in the dark. I have tried to get more sub- 
scribers to the New Pioneer, but the people have given their last penny to the 
great faker vphich is the church. I told them and argued with them that the 
Pioneer is the best and truest magazine published. 1 have the children on my 
side, but when the parents ask the children what the magazine is and they tell 
their parents, the parents say, "Oh, so, the magazine doesn't say anything about 
the holy church of God. Well, then, you cannot buy that magazine." These 
people are still in the dark. They would rather starve than fight for their 
rights. They go to church every day and keep fasting. They are always fast- 
ing or starving. Instead of helping the working class, they help keep the 
preacher or priest or Pope rich, but I'll try to show them. 

Signed, Anastasia Dimitruck, Alliance, Ohio. 

Mr. ScHERER. Off the record. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Chairman, before we go any further in taking 
this testimony, I would like at this point to offer into evidence the 
article from the New Pioneer of December 1931, entitled, "St. Peter's 
Out," which was testified to a few moments ago. It is listed as Man- 
ning Johnson Exhibit No. 6, and I now offer it into evidence. 

Mr. ScHERER. It may be so received. 

(The article from the New Pioneer entitled "St. Peter's Out" was 
received in evidence as Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 6.) 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 6. 

(New Pioneer, December 1931, pp. 10 and 11) 

St. Peter's Out 

Another Story of the Striker's 
Boys Club of the Neck 

By Harry Alan Potamkin 
Illustrated by Philip Reisman 

The carmen needed money for kitchens to feed their women and kids. It 
was a cold winter. And the strike was hard. The Strikers Boys' Club of the 
Neck challenged the Northeast Pioneers from the textile district to a football 
game, all receipts to the kitchen fund. The game was scheduled for Sunday 
at the ball field on the Dump, the lower end of the Neck. The girls roasted 
wieners, snuggled them in cozy soft rolls, and beautified them with mustard — 
a meal for a nickel — and a tin cup of coffee, another jitney. The profit went 
to the kitchen fund which the women and girls handled. 

A city ordinance prohibited a chai-ge for admission to games played on Sun- 
day. The boys got around this by printing "invitations" to a football game 
for the striking carmen's kitchen fund. No admission charged. But two bits 
accepted "as a sign of solidarity." And every one who "accepted" the "invita- 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2159 

tion" showed his solidarity. Except the delegation from St. Peter's Parish 
Church and Parochial School. 

There had been tall doings in the Catholic school. The former Huckleberries, 
now part of the Strikers Boys' Club, had attended St. Peter's until the principal. 
Father Thomas, called Peeping Tom because he always spied on the boys got up 
one day and called the strikers "tools of the devil." Dan Maloney rose and 
yelled : "Then we'll go to the devil" and all the Hucks walked out and never 
returned. Peeping Tom gathered Rabl)i Isaacs of the Shalom Synagogue and the 
Reverend Muddle of the Baptist Church and they held a public meeting to bring 
the strikers "to their senses." Well, the strikers came to their senses mighty 
quick. They attended the meeting in a body and one after another their repre- 
sentatives — Irish, Jewish, German, Italian, Polish, Russian, American — rose 
to ask Peeping Tom and "Father" Isaacs and "Rabbi" Muddle — one was the 
same as the other — to answer a few simple questions : 

Were they serving God in calling this meeting? And who was God serving? 
Were they getting telephone messages from Mr. God, of the Rapid Transit Co.? 
Were they well fed? And by whom? And from whose earnings did their 
wages come? Should the starving workers wait until judgment day or should 
they make their own judgment day? 

Why were the three churches joined tonight on the same platform and yet 
in the schools and the four walls of their churches they were doing everything 
to split the strikers' ranks, Jew against Christian, Irish against German, Polish 
against Russian? 

Priest and rabbi and minister didn't want the strikers to do "violence." Did 
that mean they didn't want the workers to defend their rights? And why 
didn't these three protest the violences of the Rapid Transit? 

R. T. stood for Rapid Transit, and for Rotten Treatment, and didn't it stand 
also for Religious Tommyrot? 

The answers didn't satisfy the strikers. And the boys went on advertising 
the game. The Northeast Pioneers drove down in buses and wagons. They 
brought with them their mascot, Buck, a battling billy goat. Bands of boys and 
girls marched to the game afoot — red flags flying and brave voices singing : 

"We are the young fighters 
Whose battle flag is red. 
We are the young fighters 
Who know no fear or dread," 

At 2 p. m. the crowd had filled every seat and sat on the roof of the stand and 
on the fences. It was a great sight. At 2 : 30 the game was to start. The 
crowd was eager. But just as the game was about to start an uninvited delega- 
tion entered — Father Thomas, Rabbi Isaacs, and Reverend Muddle with a host 
of school bullies and old maids. 

Father Thomas walked to the midfield and called out : "In the name of the 
Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, I forbid this desecration of the Lord's day." 

Dan Maloney picked up the referee's megaphone and shouted : "In the name 
of the mother, the sister, and the holy smoke, I declare this day closed to R. T." 

The crowd rose and laughed and cheered. 

Rabbi Isaacs jumped in to say something, but Izzy Moore forestalled him by 
introducing "the Pope." 

Father Muddle got out in the middle, and got all muddled up. He began 
to stutter. A little Italian girl, very innocent, went up to him and asked him 
would he buy a hotdog, mustard and all? 

The old maids with the delegation were very angry. They hurried off the field 
in a fluster. But the bullies gathered around Father Thomas, Rabbi Isaacs, and 
the Reverend Muddle, and stood there, husky, tough-looking young men. Father 
Thomas harangued the crowd : "This is the work of the devil. You are being 
led astray by infidels. You are unpatriotic." 

The crowd rose in anger. "Get out of here, you hypocrite," they yelled. 

One of the bullies put a whistle to his mouth and in ran a regiment of police. 
The crowd's disgust and rage became even greater. 

The police lieutenant walked up to the clergymen. "Well?" he asked. Father 
Thomas pointed to Dan Maloney. Rabbi Isaacs to Izzy Moore, and the Reverend 
Muddle to Phil Blake, captain of the Northeast Pioneers. The three boys saw 
the trick and ran into the grandstand. The bullies went after them, but the boys 
beat them off with the help of the spectators. Father Thomas advanced. And 
as he approached the grandstand Bu(.'k, the Northeast goat, trotted out of the 
dugout, saw Peeping Tom's fat seat, and sailed directly for a touchdown. Such 



2160 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

laughter was never heard before in the four corners of the world. When the 
priest arose he was Peeping Tom, indeed. Two blinking eyes peeped through a 
face maslied with mud. The priest roared : "In the name of the Father, the Son, 
and the Holy Ghost, I demand the arrest of everyone." 

At that even the police lieutenant began to laugh. "Well compromise," he 
said, "we'll arrest the ringleaders." He turned to the boys in homemade uni- 
forms: "Who's the ringleader?" 

Thirty voices answered "Me." 

The police lieutenant's face reddened. "Well, I'll be damned if I won't pull 
you all in." No sooner did he say this than Dan Maloney threw the pigskin into 
the air and Phil Blake went for it. The 30 boys, 2 teams and 6 substitutes, 
suddenly piled in a heap on — 

When the heap had scattered into the grandstand on the muddy ground lay a 
police lieutenant, face downward. Distributed through the grandstand sat 27 
boys in their daily clothes. Three of the 30 were on their way home in a battered 
tin lizzie. The lieutenant rose and shook his fist in the priest's face. "This 
was all a trick of yours." 

Rabbi Isaacs came up to the two. "We'd better leave." 

Father Muddle said, "And we'd better keep it quiet. If the papers should 
hear of this." 

The papers did. That is, the strikers' special newspaper wrote it up. And 
the Strikers Boys' Club sang a doleful ditty : 

"The game was played on Sunday in old St. Peter's yard, 
Jesus was the fullback and the Holy Ghost the guard. 
Tommy tried to butt us — but he got butted just too hard." 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson also testified, Mr. Chairman, with respect 
to three other documents which he had which illustrated the same 
point of Communist control of the minds of youth. 

I therefore now offer into evidence in a group three of these docu- 
ments marked "Manning Johnson Exhibits Nos. 7, 8, and 9." 

Mr. ScHERER. They may be so received. 

(The three documents referred to were received in evidence as 
Manning Johnson Exhibits Nos. Y, 8, and 9.) 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 7 
(New Pioneer, October 1934, p. 10) 
A Belly Full of Bayonets 

In '17 we went to war 

In '17 we went to war 

In '17 we went to war 

We're wiser now in '34 

It's time to turn those guns the other way. 

In bosses' wars the worker gets 

In bosses' wars the worker gets 

In bosses' wars the worker gets 

A belly full of bayonets 

It's time to turn those guns the other way. 

In the next war, if the boys and girls who attended the New York City Chil- 
dren's Conference Against War and Fascism have anything to do with it, the 
bosses who make the war will get their belly full of bayonets. 

And I expect these boys and girls will have something to say about it. There 
were 228 of them, including visitors, and when Dr. Treadwell Smith, chairman 
of the New York City League Against War and Fascism, asked how many of 
them were going to organize their friends and schoolmates into clubs to fight 
war and fascism, they all raised their hands. 

It was a fine conference. Would you like to know what organizations were 
there? Well, there were the Pioneers, the I WO Juniors, the children's section 
of the Russian National Mutual Aid Society, the Nature Friends Scouts, the 
Jewish Schools, the Finnish Federation Pioneers, the Young Defenders, the 
Grand Street Settlement House, the Pioneer Youth of America, a Boy Scout 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2161 

troop, a Free Food Fighters Club, the Bronx Busy Bees, and the recreation rooms 
of some settlement houses. 

Here is what happened at the meeting. Dr. Treadwell Smith gave a talk 
about why children should fight against war and fascism, and then the delegates 
asked lots of questions, which Dr. Smith and other delegates answered. There 
were questions about the causes of war and others about the best ways of or- 
ganizing against war. The American League is preparing a program of action 
for its children's section. If you want to make any suggestions to them, you 
should write to the Children's Committee Against War and Fascism at 413 
Fourth Avenue, New York City, N. Y. They would be very glad to hear from you 
and to get your ideas. 

After the questions came a very interesting part of the program. Del, the 
Daily Worker cartoonist, gave a short talk and then a chalk talk. 

Del told how he was a Boy Scout living in Paris in the last war. He used to 
hear the French soldiers marching to war singing how they were going to "make 
sausages out of the Germans." When his family had to leave Paris because the 
fighting was coming too close, Del saw these soldiers returning from war, looking 
like chopped meat themselves. In England, airplanes dropped shells right 
across the street from his home. Then he came to America, and on the way the 
ship came near being blown up by a submarine. 

Del wondered how people could say the war was glorious, but not knowing 
any better, he joined the Boy Scouts over here and sold more Liberty bonds and 
war savings stamps than any other boy in his class. "I was proud of it then, 
but I'm ashamed of it now," said Del, "because it helped the bosses continue the 
war, and more workers were killed and hurt for the profits of Morgan." 

Then Del appealed to all the delegates to join and form organizations to fight 
hard against war and fascism before they come. 

Next month we are going to tell you about the program of action the delegates 
will start to carry out. But don't wait for that. Tell your leaders and parents 
and the branch of the American League in your city that you want a city 
conference of children against war and fascism right away. Send invitations to 
the Boy Scouts, settlement houses, and all children's clubs. Then write in and 
tell the New Pioneer about it. 

And, by the way, you can get some good ideas from reading about the big 
second congress of the American League Against War and Fascism, and the 
Youth Congress, to be held September 28, 29, and 30, in the Daily Worker. This 
congress will take place in Chicago. It will be very interesting and very 
important, for delegates representing hundreds of thousands of people will 
be there. This is the most important thing that's happening this month. Don't 
miss the reports of it in the Daily. 



2162 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 8 



l-yi:i.NXfe JOilKSQN .EXhIBlT. NO, S 
;,. ("iJBW jeianesn,;-, October l^^l) 



Rimes 

By Lisle Rigby 

O sing a song of Hoover— 

This bloated saint would 
die 

Before he'd see the workers 

Eating cheese and pie. 



Drawing by Otto Soglow 

He'd turn the cock-eyed 
world on end 

And pile the graveyards 
high 

Before he'd give the work- 
ers bread 

Right now instead of "bye- 
and-bye" 




Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 9 

(New Pioneer, February 1935, pp. 8 and 9) 

Little Lefty Repouts on the Workers' Congress 

By "Del" 

Well gee whiz, I don't know wbere to start. So many exciting things happened 
in those 3 days of January 5, 6, and 7, that I'm kind of mixed up. I guess I'll 
begin by telling you about the special train that took the delegates to Washington 
from New Yorli. 

In Pennsylvania Station there were hundreds of delegates. At about midnight 
they let us through the gates and we all hopped on the train. We got seats and in 
a few moments the trainmaster blew the whistle and hollered "All aboard." 
All of a sudden I got a big lump in my throat. I thought of Mom and Pop, 
of Peanuts and Spunky wagging his tail and it seemed I was leaving them far 
behind. Then I reminded myself tbat I was only going away for a few days, 
and I felt a little better. 

On the train it was just like old home week. Everybody seemed to know 
everybody else, and if you didn't it made no difference. You just spoke to 
anyone you liked and it seemed you bad known the person for years. I guess it's 
because everyone had the same feelings about the Congress. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2163 

In spite of the singing and joking the train got me drowsy and I fell fast 
asleep. When I woke up Uncle John was carrying me out of the train, into 
Union Station in Washington, D. C. Along with some 18 or 20 others we went 
into a restaurant to get some coffee. I suppose you've heard about how they 
refused to serve the two Negro delegates with us. Well, the rest of us ordered 
great big meals and after they were placed in front of us we didn't touch them 
and walked out witliout paying, as a protest against the boss' dirty Jim Crow 
ideas. Well, you sliould have seen this guy's face. It went the color of one 
of his tablecloths. Ha ! Ha ! Excuse me but I gotta laugh when I just think 
of it. 

When we got to Washington Auditorium, we got a swell breakfast. Then 
the Ccmgress started in earnest. Herbert Benjamin, the national secretary of 
the unemployment councils, told about the whole history of the fight to get 
unemployment relief through House Resolution 2827 (it used to be H. R. 7598). 
It's a swell idea. In case a worker gets thrown out of work through no fault of 
his own the Government pays him $10 a week and $3 extra for each one who 
depends on him, like his wife and kids. And the bosses have to foot the bill. 

Of course, everyone knew that the bosses would never give this out of their 
own big hearts and would fight it, but the speakers explained that we were there 
to make plans how to fight for our right to live. 

When the session closed we went into the lobby and there I saw cowboys and 
sharecroppers, lumberjacks and farmers, and one big strapping delegate who 
looked, spoke, and dressed like Daniel Boone. They seemed like they had 
stepped out of the pages of my history book. 

The most exciting part of the convention was when Earl Browder, the Secre- 
tary of the Communist Party, got through speaking. First he said that we were 
not in Washington to kidnap the President like they had in the papers — and 
did everybody laugh. 

When he got through speaking everybody got up and sang Solidarity. What 
a thrill ran up and down my spine. 

On the last day, we went to see Secretary Perkins. Of course she was "not 
in". So we spoke to her secretary, Edward McGrady. Ann Burlak led the 
delegation and introduced a mother in the coal-mining region who told about 
how it was impossible for her to properly care for her children, and asked 
McGrady to support our unemployment insurance bill. 

This McGrady guy thought he was putting over a fast one and very sym- 
patheticlike says '"Leave me your name and address and I'll send you a book on 
how to feed your children." Well, you should have seen Ann Burlak snap out 
that we couldn't squeeze food and milk out of his books. 

After that the Congress wound up and we went back to Union Station and took 
the next train back for home. Believe me, these were the three most thrilling 
days of my life. 

Of course, the fight for unemployment insurance is just beginning. We all have 
lots of work to do. I asked Uncle John if kids could help and he said, "Sure." 
So I'm helping, and I hope you all are too. 

Mr. ScHERER. Now, Mr. Johnson, I think it is important at this 
point to ask, during the time that you were an active member of the 
Communist Party, whether you were an atheist. Is that right? 

Mr. JoHNSOx. No, I was not. I hid my religion. I committed the 
grievous sin of hiding it. I outwardly accepted the atheistic anti- 
religious program of the Communists, but secretly in my heart I re- 
tained my religious convictions. Of course, that was an awful strug- 
gle, an internal struggle, a struggle between two different and oppos- 
ing philosophies, the philosophy of charity and the philosophy of 
hate. Sometimes I wonder how I did that tightrope walking. 

Mr. ScHERER. Now, since you have left the party, however, you are 
no longer, I believe, hiding your religion ? 

Mr. JoHxsoN. No, I am not. 

Mr. ScHERER. Are you a member of a church ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I joined a Baptist Church in New Jersey sev- 
eral years ago. Of course, time has not permitted me to attend the 
services, but I do attend church services in New York regularly, 
though I have not connected myself with a church in New York. 

33909— 53— pt. 7 4 



2164 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, we have had extensive testimony here 
concerning the New Pioneer. That publication, if my information is 
correct, stopped coming out in about 1938, is that correct? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, about 1938. 
^ Mr. KuNziG. If it lies within your knowledge, is there any publica- 
tion today with Communist influence behind it attempting also to 
influence the minds of youth ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, there is, the publications of the International 
Workers' Order, the organization through which the Young Pioneer 
movement functions today. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, the IWO is presently involved in court 
proceedings in the State of New York. I know the case is still going 
on, but there were various stays issued by judges preventing the or- 
ganization in some ways from functioning. Do you mean to say that 
still today this type of propaganda is being put out through the or- 
ganization at this very moment? 

Mr. Johnson. My understanding is that it is. 

Mr. KuNziG. That is an amazing thing, sir ; and I think the record 
should show this information. 

Mr. Johnson, during the period of your membership in the Com- 
munist Party was there ever any deviation from the basic antireligious 
line? 

Mr. Johnson. No, there was never any deviation from the basic 
antireligious line. 

Mr. KuNziG. Was there a change of tactical application of this 
antireligious policy ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, there was. There was a change in the tactical 
application of the Communist Party's antireligious policy. This tac- 
tical change was made in 1932, if I recall correctly, when I was present 
at a meeting of the national committee of the Communist Party in 
New York, at which time Earl Browder made a speech to the commit- 
tee in which he said that our aim should be to draw the religious ele- 
ment into the movement before we convinced them to become 
atheists. 

In other words, to reverse the old policy of convincing the worker 
and farmer to become an atheist before he became active in the Com- 
munist Party movement. As Browder put it, that old policy was 
like putting the cart before the horse. 

Mr. KuNziG. In other words, if you cannot completely destroy 
religion, would you say that the correct phraseology would be that it 
is best to attempt to infiltrate it first and then later destroy it ? 

Mr. Johnson. I would say that the policy then was to first get the 
worker and the farmer involved in Communist activities, and in the 
course of his involvement in these activities you steadily indoctrinate 
him in the antireligious philosophy of the Communist Party. This 
was contrary to previous procedure where the Communist first ap- 
proached the average worker and farmer with an antireligious pro- 
gram and policy. The result was that the Christian worker was 
antagonized, and there was built up a wall of resistance between the 
party and the religious element in America, and the new policy was for 
the purpose of breaking down this wall of resistance and getting the 
Christian element in, thereby getting the Communist Party out of the 
rut of sectarianism in which it had fallen. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE NEW YORK AREA 2165 

Mr. KuNZiG. Mr. Johnson, I note that you just mentioned the date 
of 1932, and some of your previous examples of antireligious propa- 
ganda went much further, into 1935 and 1936. Can you explain just 
what the policy was? 

Mr. Johnson. There is no contradiction there. The Communist 
Party did both. They continued their antireligious propaganda and 
at the same time they revised their tactical approach toward the Chris- 
tian element in order to get them in. Once they got them in, they con- 
tinued to indoctrinate them in their antireligious program. 

Mr. KuNziG. What was known as the united front, Mr. Johnson? 

Mr. Johnson. The united front was a development of a new tactical 
line by the Communist International in 1935. This new tactical 
line was developed at the seventh world congress of the Communist 
International in Moscow in 1935. Georgi Dimitrov, general secretary 
of the Communist International, presented this new tactical line to 
the seventh world congress. 

Now, the essence of it was to infiltrate churches, trade unions and 
all other organizations through the process of involving them into a 
so-called united front on the basis of a program presented to them by 
the Communist Party. 

Now, the united front was a coalition or an alliance of the church, 
trade unions, farm and youth and women's organizations of the Com- 
munist Party, under Communist Party leadership and for the pro- 
mulgation of the Communist Party program. It was a step in the 
formation of a people's front government, which of course is a form of 
transition to proletarian revolution and the seizure of power in a given 
country. As Dimitrov said, the united front is useful, but the final 
salvation is in a socialist revolution. The united front is used for 
revolutionary training of the masses. 

Mr. KuNziG. Can you explain the phrase "outstretched hand of 
communism?" 

Mr. Johnson. Yes; I can. The outstretched hand was the new 
united-front policy of the Communist International applied all over 
the world. It was the extension of the hand of friendship and coop- 
eration to the church, while in the other hand holding a dagger to 
drive through the heart of the church. In other words, it was a ruse 
whereby they could get the churches involved in united-front activities 
with the Communists so that the Communists could bring to the 
religious element in America their antireligious program. In other 
words, to educate the masses in the revolutionary program and policy 
of the Communist Party, to prepare them ideologically and organiza- 
tionally for the overthrow of the Government of the United States. 

I have here some documents that I would like to introduce into the 
record at this point. First, I have here the Communist, the theo- 
retical organ of the Communist Party, in which there is an article, 
The United Front, the Key to Our New Tactical Orientation, by Earl 
Browder. 

I want to quote from pages 1076 and also 1077. 

First, 1076 : 

The first argument said that by adopting a new tactical orientation the Com- 
munists are admitting whether they want to or not that their old tactical 
orientation was wrong and had to be changed because it was wrong. To this 
our answer is not at all. The seventh world congress formulated a new tactical 
line because new conditions have arisen, not because the old line was wrong. 
The Communists are Marxists, Leninists, Stalinists. 



2166 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

On page 1077 : 

And then another change, the proved inability of the bourgeoise to overcome 
the collapse of capitalist stabilization, it proved inability to make any progress 
toward overcoming the final crisis of the capitalist system. * * * That is why 
the seventh world congress formulated the new tactical orientation which seized 
the final and irrevocable victory of socialism. The inability of the bourgeoisie 
to overcome the collapse of the capitalist stabilization and the growing urge of 
the struggle for socialism. 

I would like to state in explanation of the foregoing quotation that 
Dimitrov clearly pointed out in his speech that the united front 
which is aimed at getting control of the churches is not a digression 
from the basic position of the Communist Party ; that is, the struggle 
for revolution, the conquest of power, but merely a reconstruction 
of tactics in accordance with changing situation. It is the tactic 
to draw wide masses into revolutionary class struggle where the 
working people, both Christians and Jews, will be welded into a 
millionfold strong revolutionary army, led by the Communist Inter- 
national under the leadership of Stalin at that time. 

Now, the tactics called for in the building of this united front 
were also brought out by Dimitrov. He calls attention in his speech 
to a story taken from Greek history in which he states, and I quote: 

Comrades, you remember the ancient tale of the capture of Troy. Troy was 
inaccessible to the armies attacking her, thanks to her impregnable walls, and 
the attacking army, after suffering great losses, was still unable to achieve 
victory until, with the aid of the Trojan horse, it managed to penetrate to the 
very heart of the enemy's camp. 

In other words, what he is saying is that if vou cannot take over the 
churches by frontal attack, take them over by the use of deception and 
guile and trickery, and that is exactly what the Communists practice 
in order to infiltrate and subvert the church and prepare them for 
the day when they would come under the hierarchical and authori- 
tarian control of Moscow, 

The leaders of the Communist Party had an eye toward the millions 
of people in the churches, and this policy was designed specifically to 
reach the millions in the churches. Already as early as 1931 the Com- 
munist Party published a survey of the churches in the United States 
which was published by certain international pamphlets. In the 
pamphlet. The Church and the Workers, by Bennett Stevens, may be 
found a survey of the church, its membership, and its holdings. I 
would like to read into the record what the author has to say about 
the church. 

Mr. Ktjnzig. "Wliat year was this ? 

Mr. JoHNSOX. This was publislied in 1931. The purpose of doing 
this is to show that already as early as 1931 the Communists had an 
eye toward the millions in religious organizations in America, and this 
survey was not prepared without instructions from the Communist 
Party, because when pamphlets of this kind, according to my knowl- 
edge and experience, are written and published, they are published 
under instructions of the top leadership of the Communist Party, both 
in America and abroad, because such pamphlets are sent to the Soviet 
Union where they are evaluated, and on the strength of them the 
policy for the Communist Party of America is formulated, and not 
only for America, but throughout the world. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2167 

This shows how many people in America are connected with the 
church, and this is not lost to the men who sit in the Kremlin and are 
forinulating policy for the American party. 

I quote : 

The churches are effective propagnnda agencies, for they reached a inenibership 
of no million Dersous 1n 1J180. That capitalists are conscious of this fact is 
shown by the liberality of their donation to tlie churches. As one of his many 
contributions to the Episcopal Church, J. 1'. Morgan paid the expenses involved 
in publishing the revised Book of Common Prayer. John D. Ilockefeller, Jr., 
in addition to building a $7-million church in New York, gives millions to Baptist 
colleges and other religious enterprises. In 1929 gifts to Protestant churches 
of the United States amounted to ,i:Ji20 million. The churches are not spiritual 
institutions, but are in themselves powerful, wealthy, capitalist corporations, and 
as such have special church-property investments, and churches spent $817 
million in immediate expenses in 1926. Only a very slight portion of this went 
to benevoloncies. The following table indicates the value of church property and 
expenses in some of the larger sects of the United States, 

and then they go on to give an estimate of the value of church property 
in the United States. 

Then the author goes on to say that religion cannot be reformed, 
whatever its doctrine and ritual, that it remains an agency by which 
the capitalist class enforces its control. The program of those who 
want to reform existing religion must therefore be rejected. The 
significance of this is that the party had already in 1931 seen the need 
of getting into the churches where 50 million Americans are, and this 
survey and surveys made after this one was made, constituted a very 
important factor in determining the Communist policy in infiltrating 
the churches and religious organizations. 

Mr. ScHERER. Off the record. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

Mr. KuNziG. Do you have any further documentary evidence, Mr. 
Johnson ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; I have. I have here a statement by William Z. 
Foster in the Communist, the theoretical magazine of the Communist 
Farty, that I would like to submit in evidence. 

Mr. KuNziG. I have here, then, Mr. Chairman, pages 702 and 703, 
Secondary Aspects of Mass Organization by Foster in the Communist 
of August 1939, and I request that the marked paragraph be incorpo- 
rated into the record at this point as Mafming Johnson Exhibit 
No. 10. 

Mr. ScHERER. It may be so received. 

(The marked paragraph on pages 702 and 703 of Secondary Aspects 
of Mass Organization was received in evidence as Manning Johnson 

Exhibit No. 10.) 

Johnson Exhibit No. 10 

(The Communist, August 1939, pp. 702 and 703) 

Secondary Aspects of Mass Organization 

(By W. Z. Foster) 

ij! 5F ^ ^F * * "fr 

B. RELIGION 

Religion is another extremely important secondary aspect of American mass 
organization. Inevitably a social current so well organized and so deeply in- 
grained in the mind of the masses as religion has exerted a far-reaching effect 



2168 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

upon the people's mass organization of all types throughout their entire history. 
Political parties, trade unions, farmers' associations, fraternal orders, and the 
many other kinds of broad mass movements in which the toilers participate in 
huge numbers have been fundamentally influenced in various ways by this 
powerful force. The employers have tirelessly exploited religion to control the 
people's organizations and they have often been unwittingly aided by leftwing 
mistakes in dealing with it. 

The numerous churches (and American bourgeois-democracy has served to 
multiply greatly the number of Protestant sects) have sedulously cultivated 
their causes within the mass organization, and the resultant conflicts, especially 
those between Protestants and Catholics, have at times been acute. Conse- 
quently, the employers have been alert to provoke such sectarian clashes. In 
the main, however, the spirit of democratic tolerance has prevailed and mass 
solidarity been preserved. In the great fraternal organizations (which, with 
duplications, are estimated to number 50,000,000 members, including many mil- 
lions of workers and farmers) there is a wide split between Catholics and 
Protestants; but this is not the case in mass organizations generally. Thus, 
there are in the United States no Catholic trade unions and, in our time, no 
special political parties based upon religious lines. 

The triumph of mass solidarity over religious sectarianism is a tribute to 
American democracy. Communists must ever be keen to cultivate the demo- 
cratic spirit of mutual tolerance among the religious sects in the people's mass 
organizations. A still greater lesson for us to learn, however, is how to work 
freely with religious strata for the accomplishment of democratic mass objec- 
tives, while at the same time carrying on our basic Marxist-Leninist educational 
work. A very serious mistake of the American leftwing during many years, 
and one it would not have made had it understood Marx and Lenin, has been 
its attempt arbitrarily to wave aside religious sentiments among the masses. 
Reactionary forces have always knowm how to take advantage of this short- 
sighted sectarian error by instigating the religious masses against the leftwing. 
In recent years, however, the Communist Party, with its policy of "the out- 
stretched hand," has done much to overcome the harmful leftwing narrowness 
of former years and to develop a more healthy cooperation with the religious 
masses of the people in building the democratic front. 

Mr. Johnson. The success of the united-front policy enabled the 
Communist Party to come in contact with thousands of ministers and 
millions of people who make up their congregations all over the coun- 
try. The fact that they were successful in the so-called outstretched- 
haiid policy was clearly stated by Earl Browder in his book, What Is 
Communism ? which has been mentioned before in my testimony. 

On page 147 in that book he states, and I quote : 

It is significant that the Communist Party, more than any other labor group, 
has been able to achieve successful united fronts with church groups on the most 
important issues of the day. This is not due to any compromise with religion as 
such on our part. In fact by going among the religious masses we are, for the 
first time, able to bring our antireligious ideas to them. 

Mr. KuNziG. In other words, you would say, would you not, Mr. 
Johnson, that on the basis of your personal experience and knowledge 
the united front is the medium through which people were educated to 
communism ? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. The united front is a school for 
communism. It is the instrument to bring the Communist Party pro- 
gram and policy to millions of people throughout the length and 
breadth of the country. 

Mr. KuNziG. Would it be correct to say that there actually was 
party recruiting through the united front ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, there was. The whole purpose of the united 
front was to bring the Communist Party into contact with millions 
of people from whom they had before been isolated in order to indoc- 
trinate them, to educate them and train them in Communist policy 
and orient them along the path of revolutionary struggle. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2169 

Now, in the course of all these activities, recruiting the most mili- 
tant, the most active, the most promising element into the Communist 
Party, sending them to schools and training them for leadership in the 
united-front movement. 

I wish to introduce into the record an excerpt from the report to 
the Tenth National Convention of the Communist Party, U. S. A., on 
behalf of the central committee, by Earl Browder, general secretary. 

Mr. KuNziG. What date was that? 

Mr. Johnson. May 1938. 

In reference to the Communist training of persons involved in 
united-front activities, I quote : 

We propose to make the education of our leading people, the Marxist-Leninist 
training, the central task of the whole party. It shall not be conflned to the 
members of the central committee and State leaders, but extended to a broad 
new circle of leaders for the States and sections and for party leaders in the 
mass organizations, trade unions, youth, Negro, farm, cultural, women's, religious, 
national groups, and other organizations. 

I would like to state that the main purpose of this educational process 
of religious leaders is for the overthrow of the Government of the 
United States. The party, according to my knowledge and experience, 
realized that without subverting the millions of persons in the church, 
revolution in the United States is unthinkable ; it is impossible. For 
that reason a corps of trained persons was necessary who would be 
in a position to work successfully toward this end arnong the church- 
goers. This was very clearly brought out in Fight magazine, for 
instance. 

Now, Fight magazine was the official organ of the American League 
Against War and Fascism. In the April 1934 issue, on page 34, it 
reads as follows : 

This means that those who would use what resources are available in the 
churches to fight the development of fascism must be prepared to show the 
people in the churches that there is no way out under the profit system and that 
the only way they can get the better life that is within their reach is to take 
ownership and control out of the hands of the few, put it into the hands of the 
many, and develop a planned economy for the purpose of realizing the classless 
society. Then the emotions and ideals that will otherwise be misled by the 
Fascists will be directed to the defeat of the real enemy of the people — the 
capitalist slystem — and will be given a constructive outlet in the building 
of a new order. 

To work at this task the American League Against War and Fascism needs 
to get members in all religious organizations. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, who was the chairman of this American 
League Against War and Fascism ? 

Mr. Johnson. The Eeverend Harry F. Ward. 

Mr. KuNziG. Do you know him personally ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I did. 

Mr. KuNziG. When you were a member of the Communist Party 
did you know him as a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; he was a member of the Communist Party while 
I was a member. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you meet with him as such ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I did. 

Mr. KuNziG. Would you characterize him as a prominent member 
of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Johnson. I would say that he is the Red dean of the Commu- 
nist Party in the religious field. 



2170 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Mr. KuNziG. Off the record. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

Mr. Johnson. The training of leaders for work in the united front 
is of major importance to the success of the Communist Party's pro- 
gram. For that reason we had considerable discussions in the cen- 
tral committee and in the sections and districts and State committees 
of the Communist Party on methods of work among religious elements. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you participate in these discussions personally ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I did. 

Mr. KuNziG. So that what you are testifying to is a matter of your 
own personal experience and knowledge ? 

Mr. Johnson. That is right, because I participated in these discus- 
sions on national and on lower levels in the Communist Party, and 
I would like to present to this committee the substance of some of these 
discussions that were aimed at educating the party members on how 
to work among the religious element. 

I would first like to read to you what William Z. Foster has to say on 
this matter. 

Communists must ever be keen to cultivate the democratic spirit of mutual 
tolerance among the religious sects in the people's mass organizations. A still 
greater lesson for us to learn, however, is how to work freely with religious 
strata for the accomplishment of democratic mass objectives, while at the same 
time carrying on our basic Marxist-Leninist educational work. 

A very serious mistake of the American leftwing during many years, and one 
it would not have made had it understood Marx and Lenin, has been its attempt 
arbitrarily to wave aside religious sentiments among the masses. Reactionary 
forces have always known how to take advantage of this shortsighted sectarian 
error by instigating the religious masses against the leftwing. In recent years, 
however, the Communist Party with its policy of "the outstretched hand," has 
done much to overcome the harmful leftwing narrowness of former years and 
to develop a more healthy cooperation with the religious masses of the people 
in building democratic front. 

Continuing along this line, the Communist leaders instructed us 
in the use of deceit in dealing with religious elements. 

Mr. KuNziG. Was deceit a major policy of Communist propaganda 
and activity? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, it was. They made fine gestures and honeyed 
words to the church people which could be well likened unto the song 
of the fabled sea nymphs luring millions to moral decay, spiritual 
death, and spiritual slavery. 

An illustration of this treachery, I might point out, is smiling, 
sneaky Earl Browder, for example, who was vice chairman of the 
American League Against War and Fascism, greeting and praising 
ministers and other church workers participating with him in the 
united front, antiwar activities, while secretly harboring in his heart 
only contempt for them and for the religion that they represented. 

Now, in order to train others in the use of such deceit, he wrote, and 
I quote from What is Communism ? 1936 : 

It is true that we have learned to be much more careful about the quality of 
our mass work in this field. We take pains not to offend any religious belief. 
We don't want to close the minds of religious people to what we have to tell 
them about capitalism, because of some remark or action offensive to their reli- 
gion. We can well say that the cessation of ineffective, rude, and vulgar at- 
tacks upon religion is a positive improvement in our work. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2171 

Speaking along the same line Earl Browder had this to say in 1936 : 

But these critics do not understand that we Communists do not distinguish 
between good and bad religions, because we think they are all bad for the mass 
enthusiasm or lack of enthusiasm in religious worship. 

We judge religious organizations and their leaders by their attitude to the 
fundamental social issues of the day. What church organization has so com- 
pletely demonstrated its opposition to fascism and war as that of Father Di- 
vine? Other churches could very well follow his example. We would be de- 
lighted if thousands of other churches would support the workers' social in- 
surance bill, the fight to free the Scottsboro boys, and would fight against Mus- 
solini's invasion of Ethiopia, as the followers of Father Divine have done. 

The major organizational form of the nnited front in which the 
churches were involved was the American League Against War and 
Fascism which has been headed by the Reverend Harry F. Ward. 
That organization was the key Communist Party front. There was 
no other Communist Party front in all of the solar system of organi- 
zations of the Communist Party that involved so many ministers, 
churches, and religious organizations. In fact, this organization was 
the key to the infiltration of the church, and as a result of the suc- 
cessful infiltration and penetration they were able to involve these 
ministers in every other Communist front through the years, even 
down to the present time. 

Mr. KuNZiG. Undoubtedly the great, great number of ministers who 
were involved one way or another in this or other Communist-front 
groups were loyal citizens and fine, good, religious men who were 
completely duped ; is that not true, Mr. Johnson ? 

Mr. JoHNSox. There were quite a few of them who were duped, 
but the Communist clergymen and fellow travelers and those under 
Communist Party discipline were not duped. They were fully con- 
scious and fully aware of what they were doing. They were the small 
minority that utilized their position to infiltrate and seek to subvert 
the majority of the clergy in the interests of the aims and objectives 
of the Communist Party of the United States. 

Mr, KuNziG. It was an example of a small minority attempting to 
influence, control, and use the majority of good, decent clergymen? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes; that is true, because I know from my own expe- 
rience in working in labor organizations, for example, that we had 
an organization with 10,000 members, and there were only about 60 
or 70 Communists, and we controlled the organization. So with a 
small minority of ministers who work in an organized manner, they 
can always win over and subvert and dupe the majority who are 
disorganized and are individualistic. 

Mr. ScHERER. Let us adjourn until 1 : 30. 

("Wliereupon, at 1 p. m., the hearing recessed to 1 : 30 p. m. of the 
same day.) 

AFTERNOON SESSION 

(At the hour of 2 : 05 p. m. of the same day the proceedings were 
resumed. Representative Gordon H. Scherer being present.) 

Mr. Scherer. Proceed. 

Mr. KuNzTG. A few moments ago, Mr. Johnson, you mentioned the 
American League Against War and Fascism. I would like to direct 
your attention for a bit to this very vital and important organization 
so that the true picture of the true work of this organization may 
become clear on this record. 



2172 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Would you explain to the committee how this group was organized, 
who headed it, and in general its purposes and functions ? 

Mr. Johnson. Well, I sat in on meetings of the national committee 
of the Communist Party in New York City. These were meetings 
of the national committee at which were discussed the formation of 
the American League Against War and Fascism. The substance of 
these discussions was that the Communist International had formed 
an organization known as the World Congress Against War. The 
head of that organization was Henri Barbusse, H-e-n-r-i B-a-r- 
b-u-s-s-e, a leader of the Communist Party of France and a confidante 
of Joseph Stalin. 

The American party was instructed by the Communist International 
to form the American League Against War and Fascism. This organ- 
ization was officially set up at the first United States Congress Against 
War, held in New York City in 1933. At that congress was Henri 
Barbusse, whom I have formerly mentioned, who directed and assisted 
in the setting up of this congress and this organization. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you know Henri Barbusse to be a Communist ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I did; and incidentally, I was introduced to 
him at that time in a top fraction meeting that was held prior to the 
opening of the congress. The policy of this particular front — 
that is, the American League Against War and Fascism — was to 
involve the religious organizations into Communist Party activities 
generally to exploit the tremendous antiwar and anti-Fascist senti- 
ment that exists among the religious masses. That is the reason 
why, according to the discussions that took place in the national 
committee, that Harry F. Ward was selected to head the American 
League Against War and Fascism. The party conclusion was that 
because he was a minister, he would be able to draw in churches, 
and secondly, that he would be able to draw in labor because of his 
imposing record as a clergyman of some standing and note. 

In other words, they considered him the ideal head for the organ- 
ization. It was proven a good decision because the American 
League Against War and Fascism was able, through exploiting the 
antiwar and anti-Fascist sentiments among the clergymen and 
among church people generally to involve millions of people in 
supporting the program of the American League Against War and 
Fascism. I might say here that the majority of the American people 
generally are peace-loving people and are democratic people, and they 
are opposed to war and fascism, and that such a campaign as this has 
a tremendous appeal, a tremendous attraction, but when such a cam- 
paign like the one against war and fascism is used as a cover to attack 
our Government, our social system, our leaders, when it is used as a 
cover to attack our law-enforcement agencies and to build up mass hate 
against them, when it is used as a cover for the transmission of intelli- 
gence information to Soviet Russia, when it is used as a cover for 
Soviet espionage, when it is used as a cover for infiltration and subver- 
sion of our churches, seminaries, youth organizations, when it is used 
as a cover to undermine national security, when it is used as a cover to 
sabotage industry and transportation, when it is used to prepare and to 
influence and win over millions in support of the foreign policy of an 
alien government, namely, Soviet Russia, against our own country, 
when it is used as a cover to defend Communists, the sworn enemies 
of our great heritage, when it is used as a cover for preparing millions 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2173 



of people ideologically and organizationally for the overthrow of the 
United States Government, then that is a different matter altogether. 

That is the program as it was worked out in the central committee, 
and that was the program that was advocated by the American League 
Against War and Fascism when I was not only a member of it, but a 
member of the national committee. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, can you give us any evidence of how it 
was used to aid sabotage and in giving information to the enemy ? 

Mr, Johnson. Before I do that I would like to offer to the commit- 
tee a photostat showing that I was a member of the national committee 
of the American League Against War and Fascism. 

Mr. KuNziG. I have a photostatic copy here of Fight magazine, 
December 1935, page 2, which purports to show and does show Manning 
Johnson listed as a member of the national executive committee of the 
American League Against War and Fascism. 

This document is marked "Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 11," and 
I now offer it into evidence, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. ScHERER. It may be so received. 

(The photostatic copy of Fight magazine, December 1935, p. 2, was 
received in evidence as Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 11.) 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 11 

(Fight, December 1935, p. 2) 

NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, AMEKICAN LEAGUE AGAINST WAB AND FASCISM 

Dr. Harry F. Ward, chairman 
Robert Morss Lovett, vice chairman Earl Browder, vice chairman 
Lincoln StefEens, vice chairman William P. Mangold, treasurer 



Thomas R. Amlie 

Israel Amter 

Roger Baldwin 

Mrs. Clinton Barr 

Max Bedacht 

Fred Biedenkapp 

Charles Blome 

Ella Reeve Bloor 

.John Bosch 

LeRoy E. Bowman 

Harry Bridges 

William Brown 

Mabel Byrd 

AVinifred Chappell 

George A. Coe 

Prof. George S. Counts 

Malcolm Cowley 

H. W. L. Dana 

Dorothy Detzer 

Margaret Forsyth 

Maurice Gates 

Ben Gold 

Paul L. Goldman 

Rabbi Benjamin Goldstein 

Dr. Israel Goldstein 

Mrs. Annie E. Gray 

Gilbert Green 

Clarence Hathaway 

A. A. Heller 

Donald Henderson 

Harold Hickerson 

Roy Hudson 

Langston Hughes 



Rabbi Edward L. Israel 

Clarence Irwin 

Lela R. Jackson 

Manning Johnson 

A. H. Johnston 

Rev. Herbert King 

Ernest Kornfeld 

Corliss Lamont 

James Lerner 

E. C. Lindemann 

Lola Maverick Lloyd 

Waldo McNutt 

Rev. J. A. Martin 

Rev. R. Lester Mondale 

Peter Onisick 

Samuel C. Patterson 

D. R. Poindexter 

Rev. A. Clayton Powell, Jr. 

Henry Shepard 

Tredwell Smith 

Rev. William B. Spofford 

Maxwell S. Stewart 

Louise Thompson 

Alfred Wagenknecht 

Colston E. Warne 

Louis Weinstock 

James Wechsler 

John Werlick 

Richard Babb Whitten 

Ella Winter 

Alex V. Wright 

Charles Zimmerman 



2174 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Mr, KuNziG. May I also point out for the record that Dr. Harry F. 
Ward is listed as chairman ; Lincoln Steffens, vice chairman ; Robert 
Morss Lovett, vice chairman; Earl Browder, vice chairman, and 
William P. Mangold, treasurer. 

Mr. ScHERER. Off the record. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

Mr. KuNziG. May I, Mr. Chairman, at this point hand to the wit- 
ness exhibit 11, Johnson exhibit 11, which has this long list of mem- 
bers of the executive committee of the American League against War 
and Fascism, and ask him how many of these names he recognizes as 
people whom he knew to be members of the Communist Party. Will 
you please name them, sir? 

Mr. Johnson. Dr. Harry F. Ward, Earl Browder, Israel Amter, 
Max Bedecht, Fred Biedenkapp, Ella Reeve Bloor, Hari^ Bridges, 
Winifred Chappell, H. W. L. Dana, Margaret Forsyth, Gilbert Green^ 
Clarence Hathaway, A. A. Heller, Donald Henderson, Roy Hudson, 
Langston Hughes, Manning Johnson — of course, that is myself — 
James Lerner, Samuel C. Patterson, Henry Sheppard, Louise Thomp- 
son, Alfred Wagenknecht, Louis Weinstock, James Wechsler, Ella 
Winter. 

Mr. KuNziG. AVliat period of time did this cover? 

Mr. Johnson. This was in December 1935. 

Mr. KuNziG. You knew all those people whose names you just gave 
to be members of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. 

Mr. KuNziG. I should like again to direct your attention to the 
question I asked you a few moments ago as to whether you had any 
proof of the fact that the American League Against War and Fascism 
conducted sabotage and also gave important material to a foreign 
government, namely, the U. S. S. R. ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes. I would like to read from Fight magazine, 
February 1935, page 14, which I would like to offer for the record 
later. 

The league's program : No. 1. To work toward the stopping of the manufac- 
ture and transport of munitions and all other material essential to the conduct 
of war through mass demonstrations, picketing, and strikes ; to likewise with- 
draw the professionals from the service of the war machine and to enlist them 
in agitation and educational propaganda against war and every aspect of fascism. 

In the Communist Party, may I explain, we had discussions of point 
No. 1, and it means that the workers in a given shop that is manufac- 
turing war materials should be instructed to sabotage the manufac- 
turer through strikes and other means in order to prevent the manu- 
facture of munitions, and in cases where munitions have been manu- 
factured and they are in transit — that is, they are being transported — 
to do everything within our power to prevent the transportation of 
military supplies. That would mean that if the Government of the 
United States were supplying arms to our allies, that is, the sinews of 
war, or for their own security, as our first line of defense, the Commu- 
nist's duty was to sabotage such things; secondly, that in the event 
the United States was engaged in a war, that the workers in industry, 
both in the productive end and the transportation end, should sabotage 
the manufacture and the transportation of munitions, which, of course, 
you realize, would mean the complete and total defeat of the Govern- 
ment of the United States, or in the case of its allies, their defeat. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2175 

No. 2. To expose everywhere the extensive preparations for war being carried 
on under the guise of aiding national recovery. 

This particular section is a cover for Soviet espionage because 
tliey are requesting here that every worker employed in a munitions 
plant supply the league with information with regard to what kind 
of w^ar materials were being produced there. 

Now, I want to introduce here in substantiation of this a very im- 
portant bit of information taken from Fight magazine to substantiate 
this particular point. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Chairman, I have a document marked "Manning 
Johnson Exhibit No. 12," which is a photostatic copy of a page of 
Fight magazine entitled, "Hit Munition Makers," with appropriate 
maps attached thereto, and I should like to offer this evidence as 
Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 12. 

Mr. ScHERER. It will be received. 

(The photostatic copy of page from Fight magazine entitled "Hit 
Munitions Makers" w^as received in evidence as Manning Johnson Ex- 
hibit No. 12.) 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 12 

(Fight, February 1934, p. 11) 

Hit Munition Makers 

All the imperialist powers are feverishly preparing for war. In the United 
States thousands of factories that could turn out the necessaries of life remain 
closed — 15 million workers are jobless, 60 million are getting less than enough 
to live on — but approximately 17,000 factories are making war material. The 
imperialist governments are preparing a new blood bath for the workers and 
farmers. 

Look at this map. To the right you can read the type of armaments manufac- 
tured in the various States. (The map is incomplete because the Government 
refuses to give out facts and figures on war preparations.) Now we shall list the 
names of some of the armament makers and the cities they are in : 

Colt's Patent Firearm Co., Hartford, Conn, (machineguns, pistols, rifles, etc.) ; 

Remington Arms Co., Bridgeport, Conn, (firearms and ammunition) ; 

Winchester Repeating Anns Co., New Haven, Conn, (cartridges, firearms, 
etc.) ; 

Savage Arms Corp., Chicopee Falls, Mass., Norwich, Conn., Utica, N. Y. ; 

Auto Ordnance Corp., New York City (portable automatic guns) ; 

Smith & Wesson, Springfield, Mass. ((revolvers and pistols) ; 

Johnson's Arms & Cycle Works, Fitchburg, Mass. (small arms, cartridges, etc.) ; 

R. F. Sedgley, Inc., Philadelphia, Pa. (rifles and pistols) ; 

Pacific Arms Coi-p., San Francisco, Calif, (small arms and cartridges) ; 

Woodstock Manufacturing Co., Charleston, S. C. (light ordnance) ; 

Western Cartridge Co., East Alton, 111. (shells, cartridges, etc.) ; 

Federal Cartridge Corp., Minneapolis, Minn, (shells, cartridges) ; 

King Powder Co., Cincinnati, Ohio (shells and cartridges) ; 

Atlas Powder Co., Wilmington, Del. (explosives) ; 

National Acme Co., Cleveland, Ohio (shells) ; 

Peters Cartridges Co., King Mills, Ohio (shells and cartridges) ; 

Hoffman & Bryan, Findlay, Ohio (torpedoes) ; 

E. I. du Pont de Nemours, Wilmington, Del. (explosives and gunpowder) ; 

Hercules Powder Co., Wilmington, Del. (explosives and gunpowder) ; 

Aerial Powder Co., Wilmington, Del. (machinegun parts) ; 

Chase Brass & Copper Foundry, Bridgeport, Conn, (material for cartridges) ; 

Arma Engineering, Brooklyn, N. Y. (range finders) ; 

Harrington & Richardson Arms Co., Worcester, Mass (arms, etc.) ; 

Kopper's Products Co., New Haven, Conn, (gas producing ovens) ; 

Bethleliem Shipbuilding Corp., Quincy, Mass. (war vessels and merchant 
«hips) ; 



2176 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Newport News Shipbuilding & Dry Dock Co., Newport News, Va. (warships) ; 

New York Shipbuilding Co., Camden, N. J. (war vessels) ; 

Bath Iron Works Corp., Bath, Maine (destroyers) ; 

Electric Boat Co., Gi-oton, Conn, (submarines) ; 

Federal Shipbuilding & Dry dock Co., Kearney, N. J. (destroyers) ; 

United Drydock, Inc., Hoboken, N. J., Brooklyn, N. Y., Mariner's Island, S. I. 
N. Y. (destroyers) ; 

Curtis-Wright Corp., Baltimore, Md., Wichita, Kans., St. Louis, Mo., Patterson, 
N. J., Bristol, Pa. (airplanes, bombing planes, transport planes, engines, and 
other equipment for military purposes) ; 

Boeing Airplane Co., Seattle, Wash, (pursuit planes) ; 

Pratt & Whitney, Hartford, Conn, (bombing planes). 

We call upon the workers in these plants to get in touch with the American 
League Against War and Fascism, 112 East 19th Street, New York City, or with 
the branch of the league located in your city. 

We call upon all workers everywhere you have information on the manufacture 
of war material to mail us in immediately the location of the plant, the type of 
war material made, and the number of workers employed. 

Mr. KuNziG. Do you have any specific comment you wish to make, 
Mr. Johnson, with regard to exhibit 12 ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes; I have. Now, exhibit 12 shows a maj) of the 
United States, and on this map you will find the exact location and 
name of many firms making munitions in the United States. What is 
significant about this is summed up in the last two short paragraphs of 
instruction. 

I quote : 

We call upon the workers in these plants to get in touch with the American 
League Against War and Fascism, 112 East 19th Street, New York City, or 
with the branch of the league located in your city. We call upon all workers 
everywhere who have information on the manufacture of war material to mail 
us in immediately the location of the plant, the type of war material made, and 
the number of workers employed there. 

I want to say in connection with this that when I was in the national 
training school of the Communist Party, one of my instructors was 
J. Peters, who was head of the Communist Party underground and 
the Communist Party espionage apparatus, and he informed us that 
all publications of all Communist-front organizations are sent to the 
Soviet Union for study and evaluation ; two, that contacts made by 
the Communist Party, whether directly or through front organiza- 
tions, are to be used to supply information of value to the Communist 
Party. This information given by these individual workers from 
these plants is sent in turn to the Soviet Union. The individual locally 
is contacted. He is eventually recruited into the Communist Party 
or in the Soviet espionage apparatus. 

Now, he may be used to supply information because he believes 
idealistically that he is fighting against war and fascism, but in reality 
he is giving vital information To the Soviet Government for their 
intelligence estimate of our defense setup in America and for use in 
future wars against this country. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you know J. Peters under any other name ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; I knew him under the name of Blake and also 
under the name of Stevens, Alexander Stevens. 

Mr. KuNziG. These are vitally important statements that you are 
making before this committee today concerning the American League 
Against War and Fascism. I presume you are testifying that its 
leaders and particularly its chairman, Rev. Harry F. Ward, a member 
of the clergy, knew personally every one of these facts to which you 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2177 

are testifying and were fully cognizant of the aims and purposes of 
this organization? 

Mr. JOHNSON. Yes; I do. This program was adopted at the con- 
gress against war and the program was widely printed in the official 
organ of the American League Against War and Fascism known as 
Fight. The members and the leaders of the league had as their major 
task the spreading of this information through tlie sale and distribu- 
tion of Fight magazine. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, how do jou account for the large num- 
bers of clergymen and religious organizations involved in this Ameri- 
can League Against War and Fascism ? 

Mr. Johnson. The majority of the ministers in the American League 
Against War and Fascism were involved by Harry F. Ward, and the 
organization which he was connected with, known as the Methodist 
Federation for Social Action; also the People's Institute of Applied 
Religion, and other Communist-front organizations operating in the 
religious world. The Methodist Federation for Social Service later 
became the Methodist Federation for Social Action. 

This program was widely circulated throughout church organiza- 
tions. 

Mr. KuNziG. How? 

Mr. Johnson. Through the regular channels of the leagues that 
were formed all over the country in which the ministers played a 
leading, if not the leading, part. 

Mr. Kunzig. What leagues? 

Mr. Johnson. The branches of the American League Against War 
and Fascism, and I would like to offer to the committee, to show this 
point, some of the information that I culled from the copies of Fight 
magazine through the years from the formation of the league up 
until it was abolished, showing the leading role that ministers played 
in the sale of this magazine Fight and in the promotion of this par- 
ticular program. 

Mr. ScHERER. Do I understand that there were branches of thi& 
league in most of the communities of the country ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; in most of the large communities and cities all 
over the country they had branches of the league, and you will note 
on the basis of the information that I am submitting to the com- 
mittee that the leaders in practically every instance were members of 
the clergy. 

Mr. ScHERER. Off the record. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

Mr. KuNziG. I have been handed a group of documents and quota- 
tions from various and sundry ministers throughout the United States 
of America which appear to be between the years of 1933 and 1939 
as quoted in Fight, the magazine put out by the American League 
Against War and Fascism. 

Mr. Chairman, I feel this material should be incorporated into the 
record at this point, and I would like to ask Mr. Johnson — and I want 
to make this 100 percent clear, sir — is the purpose of putting this 
material into the record at this point to show the extent of the ac- 
tivities of these various persons in the work of the American League 
Against War and Fascism ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; that is my purpose only. 



2178 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK ABEA 

Mr. KtJNziG. Is that the only purpose at the present time? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; that is the sole purpose. 

Mr. KuNziG. Then, Mr. Chairman, with that clear in mind, I would 
like to recommend to you, sir, that this material be incorporated at 
this point into the record to show the activities and the extent of ac- 
tivities of the various individuals herein named in the American 
League Against War and Fascism. 

Mr. ScHERER. Those documents will be made a part of the record 
for the sole purpose of indicating the activity of members of the 
clergy and others in the American League Against War and Fascism, 
which I understand has been cited as subversive and Communist- 
front organization by Attorney General Tom Clark in 1947 and 1948 ; 
by Attorney General Francis IBiddle as early as 1942, and by the Spe- 
cial Committee on Un-American Activities in 1939 and again in 1940. 

(The material referred to is as follows :) 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, September 1935, p. 14 :) 

A huge rally in Harlem included a mammoth parade made up of Negroes, 
Italians, Philadelphia delegates, church groups, trade unions, and many other 
organizations. Rev. William Lloyd Imes was chairman and among the many 
speakers were A. Johnson of the Provisional Committee for the Defense of 
Ethiopia; Tito Nuncio, editor of L'Unita Operatia ; Elenor Brannan, of the 
Women's International League for Peace and Freedom; S. A. Cowan, of the 
Pioneers of Ethiopia ; Robert Minor, of the Communist Party ; and Rabbi INIichael 
Alper, of the National Religious Committee of the American League, Boston, 
sponsored an August 4 meeting at the Old South Meeting House with Rev. Donald 
Lester as chairman. 

Englewood, N. J., held a meeting the same date at McKay Park with Protestant 
and Jewish speakers. Milwaukee held a broad united-front meeting in a large 
Negro church with Italian, trade union, and Negro speakers. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Eeid, September 1935, p. 14 :) 
Upper Michigan : As a result of a tour by Rev. Ralph Compere, State chairman 
of the Wisconsin league, new branches have been set up at Iron Mountain, Iron 
River, Iron wood, in Michigan, and at Phelps, in AVisconsin. The Michigan towns 
plan to organize themselves into a district and to spread the league further into 
this area. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Ida Dailes, March 1935, p. 15 :) 

Mrs. Chris Frederickson, who in her Minnesota farm community has been con- 
ducting patient, persistent work since the second congress, now begins to see 
results from her work. She writes : "Things look brighter here. Both the youth 
and the farmers are beginning to realize what it is all about. The local Young 
People's Society is sponsoring an evening for this work, and together with the 
Farmers Holiday are arranging a lecture by Rev. R. Compere, chairman of the 
Milwaukee chapter of the league * * * One bright instance occurred yesterday 
when the farmers had a big annual co-op oil meeting and a young man moved 
that a resolution be passed and sent to our Senators and Representatives that 
that organization was in sympathy with the League Against War and Fascism. 
It was immediately seconded by 6 or 7 voices, and the great majority voted for it." 

(Building the League, Fight, by Ida Dailes, March 1935, p. 15 :) 

Chicago is also working on neighborhood conferences. The first, held at Albany 
Park area, had delegates from Epworth League, Methodist Church Hi-League, a 
number of sororities and fraternities, high-school forum, Community Center 
Girl Scouts, several other church youth groups, and from a council of 32 Boys' 
Clubs. The plans made include : Investigation of the CCC camp at Stokie Valley ; 
all local aldermanic candidates will be invited ; an open hearing on Fascist tend- 
encies in the neighborhood, the sale of Fight at a local union and outside of a 
(pertain shop. A large conference is now on the way on the South Side. 

(Fight, 1938, p. 3:) 

Harry F. Ward, national chairman of the American League, has for many years 
been at the side of labor in its struggle for a better world. As chairman of the 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2179 

American Civil Liberties Union, Dr. Ward has been the foremost lighter for free 
speech, free press, and the right to organize in the country. He is the author of 
many books— including Poverty and Wealth, the Labor Movement, the New 
Social Order, In Place of Profit — and is a member of the Teachers Union. 

(Building tlie league, Fight, by Ida Dailes, March 1935, p. 15 :) 

Cleveland held a highly successful conference to broaden the base of its organ- 
ization. The delegates represented 28 A. F. of L. locals, 17 social clubs, 9 frater- 
nal organizations, 12 women's organizations, 6 independent unions, the Small 
Home and Landowners' Federation, et cetera, et cetera, a total of G9 organiza- 
tions. The secretary reports : "Our trade union committee has been enlarged, 
and the prospect of really launching a campaign in the A. F. of L. locals is good. 
We succeeded in involving many of the trade unions in the discussion." Officers 
of the Cleveland league include Rabbi Barnett Brickner, member of the Regional 
Labor Board, as honorary chairman ; Prof. Paul Rogers, of Oberlin, chairman, 
and as vice chairmen : Stephen Lecso, painters. No. 867, A. F. of L., and Rev. 
Horace White, Negro minister ; Ruth Bennett, secretary, and Dr. Zucker, treas- 
urer. An intensive campaign against the proposed Federal gag legislation is to 
be undertaken. The secretary also reports that they have set themselves the 
task of increasing their Fight order 40 percent and expect to exceed this. 

(Youth notes, Fight, by James Lerner, July 1936, p. 28 :) 

About 15 organizations have already agreed to send delegates to the World 
Youth Congress, Geneva, August 31 to September 7. Included are the YW'CA, 
National Student Federation, American Jewish Congress (Youth Division), 
American Student Union and, of course, the Youth Committee of the American 
League Against War and Fascism. We have decided to send at least one delegate 
but any city committee which can raise the money is free to choose a youth dele- 
gate. This, in case you care to know, is a challenge to Chicago, Cleveland, Balti- 
more, and other cities. 

(The Fascist International, Fight, by Harry F. Ward, January 1937, 
p. 9:) 

This time the attack is against People's Front governments, because they regis- 
ter a forward step in democracy. The effort is to crush the people before they 
take the next step, and establish the people's power completely. 

(The Fascist International, Fight, by Harry F. Ward, January 
1937, p. 9:) 

The Pope made it clear that he was trying to save the faithful from hieing 
deceived into alliance with Communists. That means the People's Front govern- 
ments in Spain and in France. The Church blesses a cause that uses Moham- 
medan Moors to kill Spanish Catholics, but curses the Spanish Catholics who 
support the People's government. The People's government is ordered destroyed 
by Fascist attack because it may lead to people's power in every aspect of life. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Eeid, January 1937, p. 28 :) 

The midwestern regional conference of the league, to take place in Chicago, 
January 8 to 10, will be addressed by Bishop Edgar Blake of the Methodist Epis- 
copal Church, Van A. Bittner, head of the Steel Workers Organizing Committee 
in the Great Lakes area and Dr. Harry F. Ward. Our regional organizer, Ralph 
M. Compere, is in charge of arrangements. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Eeid, April 1936, p. 27:) 

Centerport, Long Island, held an organization meeting on February 18 in spite 
of bitter cold weather. A number of new members were signed up and ofiicers 
for the bi'anch were elected. The Reverend John Franzen is the chairman and 
the Rev.erend Edgar Jackson the secretary. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, April 1936, p. 27 :) 

California — Bakersfield held a league meeting in the local Labor Temple 
recently, with Bert Leech, California organizer, as the main .speaker. The peti- 
tions against the gag bills have been circulated very effectively among the Epics 
and trade unions. The local labor council has voted to send official observers to 
the league meetings * * * San Joaquin Valley was toured by the Reverend Don- 
ald M. Chase and Bert Leech in the interests of spreading the league. 



2180 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE NEW YORK AREA 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, March 1937, p. 27:) 

Chicago. — The regional conference held in this city, January 8 to 10, was 
attended by 175 delegates who represented over 300,000 people of the Midwest. 

Five roundtables at the conference took up the problems of labor, sections 
of the Copeland bill. A national campaign of pressure on Congress for the 
revision of this bill has now been organized. All over the country, league and 
labor groups are addressing their Congressmen, requesting them to support 
the resolution presented by Representative William I. Sirovich of New York 
and calling for the elimination of "continuous discharge" ("fink") book and 
the "certificates of efficiency." 

(Fight, June 1937, p. 3:) 

Bishop Francis J. McConnell, Methodist Resident Bishop of the New York 
area, was chairman of the Commission of Inquiry of the Interchuroh World 
Movement which investigated the great steel strike of 1919 when 365,600 
workers walked out on strike. The report of the steel strike, of 1919, issued 
by that commis-sion, was edited by the bishop and is a rare document of social 
value. The story here was told at intervals to his daughter, Miss Dorothy 
McConnell. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, June 1937, p. 27:) 

On May 3 the religious Committee of the Chicago League, under the leader- 
ship of its chairman, the Reverend W. B. Waltmire, conducted a very important 
conference on the theme of "Trends Toward Fascism in Religion.' Among 
the speakers were Prof. William Fauck, Rabbi Felix Levy, Prof. Henry N. 
Wieman, and Dr. Harry F. Ward. 

(Building the League, Fight, June 1937, p. 28 :) 

Rev. Norman D. Fletcher, president of the Montclair Ministers' As-sociation, 
on the subject of Civil Liberties and Fascism. In celebration of its second anni- 
versary, the branch plans a special meeting on May 25 with John Jacobson of 
Brookwood Labor College and Paul Reid of the national office as speakers. 

(Youth notes. Fight, December 1937, p. 28 :) 

We acclaim the participation of the greatest youth delegation ever in the 
People's Congress for Peace and Democracy. Not only from the point of view 
of numbers, but from the wide variety of organizational composition, youth's 
part stands out. Delegates from settlement house and campus, YMHA and 
YWCA, religious and Negro youth organizations, and a whole host of others 
prove the point. It becomes increasingly apparent that youth understands 
the issues of the day. Young people have learned that fascism breeds war 
and are determined to do something effective about it. And that something 
effective comes out of the Congress — — 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, September 1936, p. 28 :) 

August antiwar meetings : At the August antiwar meetings all over the nation 
the Spanish situation was the major point of concern. The Emergency Peace 
Campaign Committee of Pittsburgh joined with the American League there in 
a meeting and demonstration at Schenley Park. Music by a WPA band, an inter- 
racial chorus, mass singing, in addition to several stirring speeches, featured the 
meeting. Charles L. Miller, vice president of the Central Labor Union; the 
Reverend B. F. Crawford, chairman of the Emergency Peace Campaign; Miss 
Blanche Bray, of the WIL. ; and Dr. R. H. Valinsky, chairman of the American 
League, addressed the meeting. A cable was sent to President Azana, of Spain, 
wishing success to the Spanish people's fight against the Fascists and a telegram 
to Secretary Cordell Hull. 

(Youth Notes, Fight, by James Lerner, September 1936, p. 28 :) 

Between August 19 and 22 the first of the American delegates to the World 
Youth Congress left for Geneva, Switzerland. In the group were William Hinck- 
ley, chairman of the American Youth Congress; Miss Elizabeth Scott, of the 
St. James Presbyterian Church, New York, representing the Youth Congress; 
Mi.ss Helen Vrabel, of the International Workers Order; Harold Pederson, of 
the Minnesota Farmer-Labor Juniors; Jack Kling, of the Young Communist 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE NEW YORK AREA 2181 

League ; and James Lerner, representing, of course, the American League Against 
War and Fascism. 

This group will join up with representatives of the Young Women's Christian 
Association and YMCA ; Joseph Cadden, secretary of the National Student Fed- 
eration ; Joseph Lash, of the American Student Union ; two representatives of the 
National Council of Methodist Youth ; and several others from church, student, 
and League of Nations Association groups to form the American delegation. 

(Ficrht, Junel936, p. 3:) 

Bishop Francis J. McConnell, whose article opens this issue, is Methodist resi- 
dent bishop of the New York area, president of the Methodist Federation for 
Social Service, and coauthor of the Methodist Social Creed. Bishop of Mexico 
during the .vears of the revolution, 1912-16, chairman of the Commission of 
Inquiry of tiie Interchurch World Movement, editor of that commission's report 
of the steel strike of 1919, head of the Federal Council of Churches of Christ 
in America from 1928 to 1932, author of 17 books. Bishop McConnell has given 
distinguished service to the progressive church movement. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Keid, January 1937, p. 28 :) 

Here and There — Dr. Harry F. Ward, national chairman of the league, meeting 
on the Spanish situation at Madison, Wis., on November 21, a large audience of 
university and town people gave a very warm response to his setting of the issue 
of democracy against fascism. The midwestern regional conference of the 
league, to take place in Chicago, January 8 to 10, will be addressed by Bishop 
Edgar Blake of the Methodist Episcopal Church, Van A. Bittner, head of the 
Steel Workers Organizing Committee in the Great Lakes area and Dr. Harry F. 
Ward. Our regional organizer, Ralph M. Compere, is in charge of arrangements. 
The Pittsburgh League had Clinton S. Golden, regional director of the Steel 
Workers Organizing Committee, as speaker at a meeting on November 18. His 
subject was, A Strong Labor Movement as a Bulwark Against Fascism. 

(Paul Keid and Clara Bodian Join Our Forces, Fight, by Harry 
F. Ward, national chairman, June 1935, p. 14:) 

The national bureau of the American League Against War and Fascism an- 
nounces the appointment of Paul Reid as executive secretary ; in addition, Clara 
Bodian has taken over the duties of administration secretary. 

Paul Keid, the new executive secretary, has taken an active interest in the 
labor movement ever since he went out on strike at the age of 16, as a worker in a 
wallpaper mill. He has worked in automobile factories, at building and road 
construction, and for a railroad company. He is a Hoosier by birth, and at- 
tended DePauw University in Indiana where he actively opposed the ROTC. 
After serving for 2 years at the London School of Economics under Prof. R. H. 
Tawney and Harold Laski. He then visited the Soviet Union before returning 
to the United States. For the past 2 years he has worked with Harry F. Ward 
and Reinhold Niebuhr at Union Seminary. He has aided in the struggles of the 
unemployed for more relief and for social insvirance. As an active member of 
the New York City committee of the American League Against War and Fascism 
he has led demonstrations of protest before the offices of J. P. Morgan & Co., 
war profiteers. 

Paul Reid came to the conclusion that his life work is in neither the school nor 
the church, but in a mass organization, fighting militantly against the immediate 
danger of war and fascism. He will devote himself to the tasks of the league — 
arousing the American people to the imminence of these twin menaces, and 
mobilizing the greatest possible number in a united-front struggle to defeat the 
forces of reaction which would plunge us into slaughter under a Fascist 
dictatorship. 

Paul Reid will be ably assisted by Clara Bodian, a veteran in the labor move- 
ment. For the past 3 years she has been secretary of the United Council of 
Working Class Women. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, November 1935, p. 15 :) 

Baltimore : From all indications Baltimore will have one of the finest confer- 
ences in the country. The list of endorsers already gives the picture of a very 
broad movement. It includes several large trade unions, League of Women 
Voters, Christian Endeavor, Episcopalian, Presbyterian, Evangelical, and Jewish 
ministers. Urban League, professors and newspapermen, YMCA and Negro 
leaders. 



2182 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

(Building the League, Fight, by Ida Dailes, January 1934, p.. 15 :) 

Los Angeles conference : A very successful conference was held in Los Angeles 
on December 10. Rev. Alonzo W. Reynolds, of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 
who was a delegate to the United States Congress Against War [and Fascism], 
gave the opening report. A permanent executive committee was elected including 
students, workers, representatives of Negro organizations, unemployed, churcli 
groups, Socialists, Communists, and pacifists. The public sessions of the con- 
ference were attended by about 1,200 people. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, October 1935, p. 13 :) 

Took part in busy and eventful Save Herndon Day on August 14 and held im- 
pressive meeting on civil rights, September 17, with Dr. Harry F. Ward as the 
main speaker. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, October 1935, p. 13 :) 

Cincinnati : League here organized a real united-front meeting against Nazi 
persecutions on August 18, and this was followed by an effective protest cam- 
paign against a Nazi display at a German-American Day demonstration. Speak- 
ers at the meeting on the 18th were a trade-union leader, a rabbi, two Protestant 
ministers, and the league secretaiy, Carl H. Levy. Telegrams of protest were 
sent to the American Olympic Committee, the German Ambassador, and local 
Congressmen. An Ethiopian protest meeting was held on September 5 with 
Alex Phillian, midwestern organizer of the league, as chief speaker. The local 
branch of the NAACP has afiiliated with the league. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, October 1935, p. 13 :) 

Baltimore : On August 24 the league took part in an Ethiopian defense meet- 
ing at the city hall plaza, where Angelo Herndon was the chief speaker. The 
league also organized an anti-Nazi protect meeting on August 22, attended 
by over 2,000 people, and addressed by Rabbi Sidney Goldstein, of New York 
City, the Rev. F. C. Rueggeberg, George Renahan, a Catholic layman, and 
other speakers of Baltimore. Resolutions protesting the German persecutions, 
and banning the Olympic games in Berlin were adopted. 

(Oh Say, Can You See? Fight, December 1936, p. 31:) 

And by the way, we haven't been able to improve on the definition of "fascism'* 
that Harry F. Ward gave at the Cleveland Congress of the American League- 
last January. Here it is. Keep it handy as a yardstick by which to judge the 
situation: "Fascism in this country is the destruction of democracy by violence; 
the substitution of the rule of force for the attempt of the people to govern 
themselves ; and this, for the sake of preserving profits, property income, and 
the profit system." 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, December 1936, p. 28 :) 

The mass meeting was held under the auspices of the North American 
Committee To Aid Spanish Democracy, the organization which is directing the 
delegation's tour throughout Canada and the United States. Bishop Robert 
L. P'addock and Harry F. Ward served as chairmen of the meeting, with 
Roger Baldwin making the plea for funds. Joseph Cadden, member of the Ameri- 
can Youth delegation that visited Spain, also spoke. 

The luncheon followed a farewell dinner for Dorothy McConnell, secretary of 
the Women's Section, who sailed for the Buenos Aires Peace Conference. Miss 
McConnell is an accredited delegate of the People's Mandate to Governments, the 
American League, and the Women's Section. She will attend both the Govern- 
ment conference which begins December 1 and the people's conference which 
precedes it. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, December 1936, p. 28 :) 

League members arrested in Ossinlng, N. Y., on August 25 for distributing^ 
handbills announcing a rally for the defense of Spanish democracy were brought 
to trial October 10 and found guilty of violating a local ordinance regarding dis- 
tribution of literature. Attorney Samuel P. Puner, retained by the American- 
Civil Liberties Union for the league, maintained that the application of the 
ordinance was an infringement of freedom of speech and appealed the case to 
the next higher court. It was also contended that strict application of the ordi- 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2183 

uance would have prevented the distribution of campaign literature of the Demo- 
•cratic and Republican Parties. Albany held a large peace meeting on November 
6, with William B. Spofford of the national biu-eau of the league as chief speaker. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, August 1935, p. 15 :) 

Urbana, 111. : The Champaign-Urbana branch of the league held a successful 
conference against war and fascism on May 30. Delegates represented 900 mem- 
bers of their respective organizations. 

Rev. Ralph Compere, state chairman of Wisconsin, was chief speaker. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, August 1935, p. 15 :) 

Hackensack, N. J. : Bergen County committee was the first to follow the ex- 
ample of the national office in holding a weekend school. Considered in two 
sessions "the role of the league in the present crisis," and "principles and tactics 
of the united front in the league. Speakers, Jay Wright, New Jersey organizer, 
Clara Bodian, and Paul Reid. 

(Red Clay, Fight, by Phil Bowen, January 1935, p. 9:) 

The Canadian League Against War and Fascism held its second national con- 
gress at Toronto on December 6, 7, and 8, with 500 delegates and official observers 
present, representing close to 500,000 people. Many trade luiions, youth, and 
women's organizations were represented. The presence of Cooperative Common- 
wealth Federation Clubs (C. C. F.) was of particular interest, as that political 
body corresponds roughly to the powerful British Labor Party and polled more 
than 300,000 votes in the recent Federal election. The congress showed a great 
improvement in the work during the recent year and a real broadening of its 
base. The speakers included the Reverend T. C. Douglas, C. C. F. member of 
Parliament ; Dr. Harry F. Ward ; Prof. Lome T. Morgan, University of Toronto ; 
Maj. Fred Fish ; Prof. Felic Walter, Trinity College; Tim Buck, general secretary 
of the Communist Party of Canada ; Rev. Ben Spence, chairman, regional council 
of the C. C. F. ; Dr. Berta Hamilton, prominent Toronto pacifist ; Mrs. Anna Sis- 
sons, chairman of the Fort William Independent Labor Party and prominent in 
trade union circles ; Roger Baldwin and Eleanor Brannan, representing the World 
Committee ; A. A. McLeod, former editor of the World Tomorrow, and others. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, December 1936, p. 27:) 

New York. — The mock trial of Hearst, staged by the New York City division 
of the league at the Hippodrome on October 22 was tremendously effective and 
drew widespread interest. The house was sold out and hundreds of people were 
turned away. Under the able guidance of Arthur Garfield Hays, who acted as 
prosecuting attorney, an impressive list of witnesses appeared and testified 
against the Fascist character of Hearst. 

Among them were Gov. Hjalmar Petersen of Minnesota, Oswald Garrison 
Villard, Prof. Robert K. Speer of New York University, Charles J. Hendley of 
the Teachers' Union, the Reverend William Lloyd Imes, and Representative 
Vito Marcantonio. 

The verdict was guilty on all counts, and the crowd promised to carry out the 
slogan, "Don't read Hearst, don't see Hearst, don't hear Hearst." 

(Building the League, Fight, by Ida Dailes, January 1935, p. 15 :) 

A Superior, Wis., conference is being held to establish a permanent chapter in 
that city, on January 7 at the Central Uijih School Auditorium. The chairman 
of provisional committee is Rev. Nat Buckley of the First ^Methodist Church. 
The use of local radio station has been secured for publicity for this conference. 

The Wisconsin State conference had 217 delegates, 68 'of whom were from 
A. F. of L. unions and 10 of those from central trades councils. Five official 
Socialist Party delegates participated. Altogether, 29 Socialist Party members 
were present and signed a resolution urging the S. P. national executive com- 
mittee to affiliate with the American league. Altogether, over 78,000 persons 
were represented. 

(American Youth in Action, Fight, by Waldo McNutt, August 
1935, p. 14:) 

Twenty-five regional gatherings from Boston to San Diego have given the 
Youth Congress a mass base rooted in the trade unions, churches, YMCA's, 
YWCA's, and student organizations. 



2184 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

(American Youth in Action, Fight, by Waldo McNutt, August 
1935, p. 14:) 

James Lerner, national secretary of the youth section, was elected to the 
National Council of the Youth Congress, and will be our representative on the 
executive council of the congress. This executive council includes the represent- 
atives of the Young People's Socialist League, the Young Communist League, the 
Farmer-Labor Political Federation, the Young Epics, the Central Labor Union of 
Toledo, the Detroit Federation of Labor, the National Student League, the Inter- 
national Longshoremen's Association of San Francisco, the Amalgamated Asso- 
ciation of Iron, Tin, and Steel Workers, Ohio, the United Mine Workers of 
America, Russelton, Pa., YMCA's and YWCA's of many cities. Southern Tenant 
Farmers' Union, and many other trade unions, workers' fraternal organizations, 
religious groups, and miscellaneous youth organizations. This partial list serves 
to indicate the scope of the united front formed, and we are confident that we can 
go forward carrying out the decisions and plans of the Congress, a united, mili- 
tant, and progressive youth movement opposing the forces of reaction driving 
toward war and fascism. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, August 1935, p. 15:) 

Activities in defense of Ethiopia : Chicago held a large conference on July 12. 
New York City is developing mass sentiment for a huge protest meeting on Au- 
gust 3 in Harlem. The national office has cabled the world committee urging 
action at Geneva. A pamphlet on the Ethiopian issue is being written by Rev. 
William Lloyd Imes, of St. James Church, Harlem, and will soon be ready for 
distribution. Other cities are planning protest meetings and demonstrations. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, March 1938, p. 28 :) 

Septimus Craig is the chairman of the League's China Aid Council. The league 
recently held a forum and social with the Reverend Charles Webber, field secre- 
tary of the Methodist Federation for Social Service, as guest speaker. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, March 1938, p. 27:) 

Over 200 people attended this stirring meeting. Fall River, Mass., heard the 
Reverend Donald G. Lothrop, of the Boston Community Church, at an open meet- 
ing. His speech on the far-eastern war situation and the boycott as a method 
of aiding the Chinese people was well received. The Reverend Chester Ham, 
of the Brayton Methodist Church, was chairman of the meeting. A musical 
program was presented by Granoff Sister. Ralph Eary, the delegate to the Pitts- 
burgh congress, made his formal report on this occasion. Arthur Kaplan, the 
league secretary, reports definite plans for a membership campaign in the com- 
munity and prospects for rapid extension. 

(Fight, November 1936, p. 3 :) 

Jerome Davis, educator and sociologist, teaches at Yale University and is the 
author of many books, including Capitalism and Its Culture, Contemporary 
Social Movements, Labor Speaks for Itself on Religion, Business, and the Church, 
etc. Professor Davis was elected recently to head the teachers' union. 

(Fight, October 1936, p. 3:) 

William B. Spofford, who gives a short analysis of the election campaign from 
the point of view of an anti-Fascist, is editor of the Witness, an Episcopalian 
weekly, and executive secretary of the Church League for Industrial Democracy. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Reid, November 1936, p. 27 :) 

New England. — "The matter of peace is up to the people themselves," said the 
Reverend Kenneth Kingston, of Farmingdale, N. J., at a recent meeting of the 
Provincetown, Mass., league. The branch has been very active in this city during 
the past few months. 

(Youth notes, Fight, by James Lerner, November 1936, p. 28 :) 

Milwaukee. — The local branch was visited by the national executive secretary 
in September and plans were laid at that time for extended activity during the 
coming months. On October 14 the Reverend Ralph M. Compere, regional 
organizer for the league, will address an open membership meeting. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2185 

The United Student Peace Committee, consisting of representatives of most 
national student groups, is planning an intensive program which will start on 
Armistice Day and lead up to the student strike. On November 14 there will be 
radio panels, peace institutes, and a peace poll. This educational campaign, plus 
the recent endorsement of the student peace strike by the YMCA and YWCA 
student divisions, will most likely add tremendously to the size and value of the 
strike next spring. National organizations working with students, including the 
American league, have issued a joint appeal and program for activity. Among 
these are the Emergency Peace Campaign, youth section. League of Nations 
Association. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Ida Dailes, May 1934, p. 15:) 

Over 6.000 workers, students, and professional people came to the first city- 
wide demonstration against war and fascism on April 6, organized by the recently 
formed New York City central committee. The high point of the demonstration 
came when Norman H. Tallentire, general secretary of the city committee, 
appealed for new members for the league and 2,000 people rose to their feet. 
Dr. Harry F. Ward, national chairman of the league, was the main speaker of 
the evening. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Paul Keid, September 1935, p. 14 :) 

Upper Michigan : As a result of a tour by Rev. Ralph Compere, State chair- 
man of the Wisconsin League, new branches have been set up at Iron Mountain, 
Iron River, Ironwood, in Michigan, and at Phelps in Wisconsin. The Michigan 
towns plan to organize themselves into a district and to spread the league 
further into this area. 

(Church Peace Poll, Fight, by Alfred Schmalz, p. 2 :) 

The peace plebiscite, conducted by the Council for Social Action of the Congre- 
gational and Christian Churches, is the largest recorded vote in the United States 
on certain issues of war and peace. About 200,000 people from 2,504 churches 
across the land cast their votes on some of the most controversial issues of the 
day. The plebiscite thus represents a lair cross section of opinion and conviction 
in America, and give the facts on which future education for peace should 
be based. 

(Forward Against the Forces of Death, Fight, p. 9 :) 

Dr. Harry F. Ward, after reading greetings from various organizations : "Now, 
we will have a brief 10 minutes subsessiou of representatives from religious or- 
ganizations and one from Negro and farmers' groups. At the conclusion of these 
sessions, we will have special sessions : Trade unions, cultural and fraternal, 
religious, workers' clubs, ex-servicemen's organizations, unemployed, farmer and 
Negro organizations." 

Rev. W. B. Waltmire : "The final thing the religious groups can contribute to 
this movement is to organize among religious people units of people who will 
stand shoulder to shoulder with the working class until victory is won. I may 
be a preacher, but I am on the side of the workers from now until death." 

(Is Opposition to Hitler Growing? Fight, by John Haynes Holmes, 
September 1935, p. 2 and 3 :) 

In a recent sermon Dr. Holmes made an eloquent appeal for unity of Chris- 
tians and Communists in oppo.sition to the forces of reaction driving toward 
war and fascism, and in the struggle for the achievement of a better world based 
on brotherhood and cooperation among men. If churchmen will unite with 
Communist, Socialists, trade unionists, and everyone else opposed to war and 
fascism, our forces will be tremendously sti'engthened, and war and fascism will 
not be inevitable. Already the American League Against War and Fascism 
has brought together in its ranks people of diverse political and religious beliefs, 
liberals, radicals, and revolutionists, of all races and creeds. 

(The United Student Front, Fight, by Joseph P. Lash, March 1936, 
p. 6:) 

The hope of America : The student Christian movement is the student divisions 
of the YMCA and YWCA but in a larger sense it can be said to include the Na- 
tional Council of Methodist Youth, the interseminary movement, and the many 



2186 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

other organized student organizations in America and one of the most progres- 
sive. The National Council of Methodist Youth and many local Y's supported the 
student strike against Jim-Crowism and violations of academic freedom. They 
have cooperated with labor in strikes. They are for the united student front 
for peace, freedom, and security because they consider it the consistent expres- 
sion of true religion under present conditions. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Kussell Thayer, April 1939, p. 27 :) 

The whole league membership welcomes Thomas L. Harris as the executive 
secretary of the American League as he assumes office April 1. Mr. Harris 
comes to the league from the rectorship of Christ Church, Cranbrooke, Bloom- 
field Hills, Mich., and is eminently suited to giving executive leadership to the 
national organization. A graduate of Cambridge University, formerly a fellow 
at Union Theological Seminary, for 3 years adviser in religion at Harvard 
University and later rector of the Church of St. Luke and Epiphany in Phila- 
delphia, Mr. Harris is widely known in student and church fields. To the public 
at large he is known as a speaker and as an author of books on religion and 
travel, and for numerous articles in Harper's, the Churchman, Living Church, 
and other publications. During recent months Mr. Harris has been able to 
spend a few days occasionally in the national office in preparation for the work 
ahead. The league has been without a permanent executive head for a long 
while now, and Mr. Harris' appointment should give encouragement and new 
determination to all of us to build the league. 

(Forward From Pittsburgh, Fight, by James Waterman Wise, 
January 1938, p. 6:) 

A broadened base : The very composition of the congress was proof of the 
changed and broadened base of the struggle against war and fascism. The 
1,416 delegates representing more than 4 million people constituted an increase 
of about 1 million over the Cleveland congress of 1936. Even more significant 
than this numerical increase was the changing character. As against 603,511 
trade union members represented by 286 delegates in 1936, there were 413 labor 
delegates from A. F. of L. and CIO unions who represented 1,622,231 trade 
unionists. Similarly there was a rise in farm representation from 61,471 in 
1936 to 163,036. In addition, there was broad representation from professional, 
religious, youth, racial, fraternal, and women's groups. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Kussell Thayer, May 1938, p. 27 : ; 

A crowd of over 17,000 people turned out to the rally for peace at Madison 
Square Garden, New York City, April 4. The meeting was conducted under 
the sponsorship of a group of prominent individuals in the peace movement: 
Henry A. Atkinson, Harry F. Ward, Henrietta Roelofs, James T. Shotwell, 
William B. Spofford, William W. Hinckley, Clark M. Eichelberger, Charles G. 
Fenwick, Marion M. Miller, Margaret E. Forsyth, Edgar J. Fisher. The national 
office and the New York City division of the American League participated in 
the arrangements for this great peace rally, where thousands of people turned 
out and voted unanimously for a resolution to Congress and the administration 
which called for a revision of the Neutrality Act and the holdding of open hear- 
ings in the House. The speakers were Bishop G. A. Oldham, of Albany, chair- 
man ; Dr. Charles Fenwick, president of the Catholic Association for Inter- 
national Peace ; Clark M. Eichelberger, of the League of Nations Association ; 
Bishop Francis J. McConnell ; Dr. Harry F. Ward, of the American League for 
Peace and Democracy ; Representative Byron N. Scott, of California ; the Rever- 
end Herman F. Reissig; and Rabbi Stephen S. Wise. Dr. Ward's speech has 
been i>ublished by the Methodist Federation for Social Service and can be secured 
from the American League at 5 cents a copy and at reduced rates in bundle lots. 

Mr. ScHERER. Let the record show this is where the special consid- 
eration ends. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, do you have any furtlier material involv- 
ing the American League Against War and Fascism ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, sir ; I do. In addition to those statements which 
have just been incorporated in the record, I have four very important 
additional statements which I should like to present to the committee 
from Fight magazine. They cover the period from 1934 to 1938. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2187 

They show advocacy of the sabotajje of industry and transportation 
by the American Lea<^ie Against War and Fascism. 

Mr. KuNZKJ. Mr. Chairman, I respectfully recommend that these 
four statements bo incorporated into the record at this point. 

Mr. SciiEKEK. They may be so incorporated. 

(The material referred to is as follows:) 

(The Campus Divides, F'ight, by James A. Wechsler, October 
lOa-i, p. 13:) 

Chemical, and all otber warfare, will become impossible when and if all those 
who make, traii-sport, ami operate "means of destruction" refuse any longer to. 
do so. U'here is no power on earth that could resist for so much as 1 week 
the relentless forces of mass action directed by, and in the sole interests of, 
plain human beings who wish to control their destinies to the ends of peace,, 
security, and social progress. 

(Merchant Seamen, Fight, by James Green, May 193-1, p. 14:) 

Stop munition shipments: It is plain that in the maritime industry the cards 
are stacked all down the line lor war, and there is only one force that can 
prevent them from being dealt and that force is the internati<mal class unity 
of the workers organizing and carrying out strikes against shipment of war 
materials and cooperating with all those who are seriously hghtiug against 
war. 

(Father Couglilin Shows His Face, Fight, by Harold Patch, INIarcli 
1038, p. 12:) 

Methodists against war : The social service commission of the New York East 
Annual Conlerence, composed of 300 Methodist ministers, adopted the following 
decliU'ation on May 10 : "The church must be in active opposition to war and 
stand for total and universal disarmament. We favor organized resistance to 
war and preparations for war. We urge workers and professional men to unite 
in an effort to stop the manufacture and transport of munitions and other ma- 
terials essential to the conduct of war." 

(Fight magazine, June 1035, p. 12:) 

Methodists Against War. The Social Action Service Commission of the New 
York East Annual Conference, composed of 300 Methodist ministers, adopted 
the following declaration on May 10 : 

"The church must be in active opposition to war and stand for total dis- 
armaments. We favor organized resistance to war and preparations to war. 
We urge workers and professional men to unite in an effort to stop the manu- 
facture and transport of munitions and other materials essential to the con- 
duct of war." 

Mr. JoHNSox. Here are some excerpts from Fight magazine which 
clearly indicate that the policy advocated by the American League 
Against War and Fascism was actually carried out. 

Mr. KuxziG. I should like to offer in addition, Mr. Chairman, these 
two excerpts from Fight to be incorporated in the record at this 
point as excellent examples of how the policy set forth by the Ameri- 
can League Against War and Fascism has been carried out. 

Mr. SciiERER. It shall be so incorporated. 

(The material I referred to is as follows:) 

(Building the League, Fight, by Ida Dailes, May 1934, p. 15 :) 

From Baltimoi'e we get word that two antiwar committees have been or- 
ganized on ships leaving that port. On one of these ships a pledge was signed 
by 2!) of the seamen to strike against imperialist war on May 1. This is part 
of the activity being developed in Baltimore, leading up to the conference to- 
be held there on April 29. 

(Building the League, Fight, by Ida Dailes, May 1934, p. 15:) 

The Baltimore section of the league has begun concentration on very impor- 
tant waterfront points of that city. Here are located chemical plants, scrap 



2188 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

iron, ordnance, and shipbuilding depots. Leaflets were distributed to these 
workers announcing an antiwar outdoor meeting April 6. When the speakers 
arrived, more than 500 workers were waiting for them, and by the time the 
meeting was in full swing, 1,500 Negro and white workers were in attendance 
from these basic war industries. The meeting was addressed by marine and 
steelworkers, and the response was good. Another meeting will be held in 
the same place when committees and branches of the league will be set up. A 
similar meeting at another point on the waterfront was attended by 600 sea- 
men, steelworkers and longshoremen, with equally good response from the 
audience. Committees of the league have been set up on five ships. A benefit 
performance of the motion picture, Forgotten Man, is being given by the 
Baltimore section, with an antiwar part replacing the patriotic ending of the 
film. 

Mr. Johnson. You will note point 7 in the league's program calls 
for the winning of the Armed Forces to the support of the program 
of the American League Against War and Fascism. 
* I would like to offer to the committee some quotations from Fight 
magazine showing that efforts were made to infiltrate the armed 
services and that they did pay off to the extent that members of the 
National Guard and the Regular Army participated in meetings of 
the American League Against War and Fascism and that in their 
speeches at these meetings they revealed military secrets which, of 
course, were transmitted by the Communists w^ithin the American 
League Against War and Fascism to Soviet Russia and to Soviet 
Military Intelligence. I know that such was the procedure on the 
basis of my experience and knowledge as a leader in the Communist 
Party. 

Mr. KuNziG. You had personal experience in the transmission of 
such information? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, that was a rule of the Communist Party. 

Mr. ScHERER. When you say, Mr. Witness, that that was a rule of 
the party, do you mean that it was understood that all information 
coming into the league was to be passed on to Soviet Intelligence? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, all information coming into the American 
League Against War and Fascism at all front organizations of the 
Communist Party had to be sent to Russia for evaluation. 

Mr. Scherer. And it is passed on through these various front 
organizations by the members of the Communist Party who have 
infiltrated these front organizations and who actually run the front 
organizations? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. The Communist Party fraction, in 
other words, in the front organizations is responsible for the trans- 
mission of this information and material to the leaders of the Com- 
munist Party who forward it to Soviet Russia, where it is handed 
over to the various connnissions and evaluated. 

Mr. KuNziG. I recommend, Mr. Chairman, then, that these excerpts 
from Fight magazine, in addition to all the other previous excerpts 
from Fight magazine which have been presented here this afternoon 
be incorporated in toto into the record at this point. 

Mr. Scherer. So the record may be clear, Mr. Johnson, do I under- 
stand from your testimony that you, yourself, had knowledge of a 
transmission of such information as you have indicated, and that 
you are merely introducing these excerpts from the official publica- 
tion of the league to substantiate and corroborate what you are testi- 
fying here today from your own knowledge ? 



COMJMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2189 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I am testifyino; from my own knowledge and 
training while a member of tlie Communist Party. 
Mv. SciiEKEK. It may be incorporated into the record. 
(The material referred to is as follows :) 

(Youth Congress, Fight, by James Lerner, November 1934, p. 13 :) 

We, si'oups of Illinois snardsmen delegated here by groups of guardsmen in 
our companies, greet you in your stru.ggle against war and fascism. We bring 
word from antiwar and anti-Fascist groups organizing within the regiments 
to give expression to our form of fighting fascism, by refusal to strike duty. 

We wish to state that several entire companies in the National Guard through 
a verbal vote have endorsed our program against strike duty. We pledge our 
support in organizing many more such groups'. We, workers in uniform, are 
with you. 

(Signed) Groups of Guardsmen, 33d Division, Illinois National Guard. 

(Youth Congress, Fight, by James Lerner, p. 13 :) 

The Youth Congress Against War and Fascism, which has just been held in 
Chicago as part of the Second United States Congress Against War and Fascism : 
Seven hundred and forty-nine youth delegates between the ages of 16 and 25 
(out of a total of 3,332 delegates), young workers, and students, some fellows 
who a few days previous to the congress were shouldering rifles in the National 
Guard, or even in the Regular Army, and know what military training means, 
made their way to Chicago. 

(Forward, Fight, November 1934, p. 14:) 

A representative from the National Guard : 

"As a representative of a group of guardsmen from four divisions of the 
National Guard of the United States, I bring you greetings. [Applause.] We 
are carrying on work among the National Guard against fascism by organizing 
antlstrikebreaking groups. We pledge our full support to carry out all the deci- 
sions of the congress." [Applause and cheering.] 

Chairman Ward : "Please don't delay this part of the program by prolonged 
applause. We are now to hear from a first lieutenant of the Regular United 
States Army." 

First Lieutenant, United States Army: "The troops of this area have just 
completed in Camp Custer, Mich., war meneuvers on a larger scale than since the 
last war. The Reserve ofiicers of this area have worked out all the details of 
their mobilizations plans, while training has been intensified here. For the 
machines of destruction the capitalists pay dearly, but to the General Staff the 
lives of the workers are cheap. Our participation in this congress is our militant 
answer to those preparations." [Great applause and demonstration.] 

(The Steelworkers, Fight, by ^Y. S. Eichards, March 1934, p. 14:) 

But all antiwar activities to date are entirely insufficient. There must be a 
thousandfold increase in the activities of all who oppose war. Especially must 
the American league plan and carry through a progi'am of concentrated atten- 
tion upon the key war industries, and especially steel. This campaign can be 
assisted if every man and woman in a steel town will write in and tell the 
American league every detail of war preparations in their locality. 

(National Guard, Fight, by a member of the 212th Coast Artillery 
Antiaircraft, March 1934, p. 14:) 

In such a specialized arm of the Army as the 212th Coast Artillery Antiaircraft 
Regiment preparations for war are noticeable. Tliis regiment, which will form 
the basis in time of war for the training of thousands of gunners among the 
drafted civilians, is being constantly perfected for aerial combat. Though 
ostensibly for protecting ammunition dumps, aviation bases, and strategic posi- 
tions, developing motorization is pointng to the use of this regiment as an arm 
of attack. Mounted on trucks with a speed averaging 75 miles an hour, and at 
lower speeds doing rapid artillery fire, the regiment attains great mobility and 
firing accuracy. The antiaircraft guns have been throwing a hundred-mile beam. 
Actual war maneuvers every year at the camp in Oswego, N. Y., which every man 
must attend even at the risk of losing his job, demonstrate the developing of 
efficiency. 



2190 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

(National Guard, Fight, by a member of the 212th Coast Artillery 
Antiaircraft, March 1934, p. 14:) 

Reach the National Guard : The National Guard man knows that he is the first 
to be called in time of war. He is also conscious of the fact now, that he is used 
in breaking strikes. Many are being enlisted and trained in Fascist gangs. 
However, antiwar and anti-Fascist propaganda, when it reaches him, falls on 
particularly fertile ground. Special attention must be paid to reaching the 
National Guard men. In New York there are 26,000 of them. In almost every 
State there are many regiments of these soldiers. Before Roosevelt was elected 
President, Congress appropriated $300 million for the guard. Now this amount 
has increased tremendously. Exact information is rarely printed in the press. 
The New York National Guardsman, an official organ of the War Department 
wiiich is the prostitute press of the American warmongers. 

Antiwar publications and literature must reach the National Guard men. In. 
the armories and in the homes of the men and in their shops there must be a 
ceaseless barrage of political education. Tlie National Guard man is a potential 
antiwar and anti-Fascist fighter. 

Mr. KuNziG. Do you have, by any chance, with you, Mr. Johnson,, 
any copies of Fight magazine, or shall I say photostatic copies of 
pertinent pages of Fight magazine, which illustrates specifically the 
program of the American League Against War and Fascism? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; I have. 

Mr. KuNziG. Would you pass them over to me, please. 

Mr. Johnson. Yes. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Chairman, I should like to offer these five docu- 
ments into evidence as Johnson exhibit Nos. 13, 14, 15, 16, and 17. 

Mr. ScHERER. Before these documents are admitted in evidence, I 
want to ask the witness a question of similar import to that one I just 
asked a few minutes ago. Is the information contained in these ex- 
hibits a true example of the actions of the American League Against 
War and Fascism, loiown to you by your own personal experiences in 
the league? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes; from my own personal knowledge as a mem- 
ber of the national committee of the Communist Party and a member 
of the national committee of the American League Against War and 
Fascism, this information represents the program of the League 
Against War and Fascism and also the program of the Communist 
Party. I sat in on meeting's on both the high level and low level in the 
Communist Party, at which time the program of the American League 
Against War and Fascism was discussed and recommended. 

These discussions and recommendations were handed down by the 
political bureau of the Communist Party, discussed in the lower organs 
of the Communist Party. They were presented to the League Against 
War and Fascism for adoption by the Communist Party fraction 
within the league. 

Mr, Kunzig. In other words, Mr. Johnson, you not only participated 
in all these events described herein, but jon lived them in j^our own 
personal life? 

Mr. Johnson. That is right. 

Mr. Scherer. In view of that statement, exhibit Nos. 13, 14, 15, 16, 
and 17 may be admitted into evidence. 

(The photostatic copies of Fight magazine pages received in evi- 
dence as Johnson exhibit Nos. 13, 14, 15, 16, and 17.) 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2191 

Manning Johnson Exhidit No. 13 
(Fight, February 193G, iip. 8 and 9) 
The Thiud Congress 
(By Paul Roid) 

Clevelaud's reception of the Third United States Congress Against War and 
Fascism differed greatly from our previous experiences. The Cleveland Feder- 
ation of Labor was officially represented by five delegates and l)rougbt words of 
greeting through Max S. Hayes, veteran labor leader. Not only did the city 
council endorse the congress, but the mayor was present at the opening mass 
meeting to bring words of greeting. The press gave us liberal space and sympa- 
thetic attention. Arrow placards on lampposts and cards in the streetcars 
announced the congress and pointed the way to the pulilic auditorium. 

The movement against war and fascism in the United States is growing in 
scope, in numbers, in seriousness of purpose, and in understanding of the means 
necessary to achieve its goals. The character and proceedings of the Third 
United States Congress Against AVar and Fascism demonstrated this fact. 
Organized labor and farm people, schoolteachers and youth, professional work- 
ers and women testilied to the broad character and deep devotion of the forces 
opposed to war and fascism by their active work and significant decisions in this 
congress. From the opening moments of the commission meetings on Friday to 
the closing minutes of the secretaries' meeting on Monday it was evident that the 
third congress meant business, and that every delegate was ready to take an 
active part in shaping the program and developing the tactics necessary to stop 
war and fascism. 

It was evident, too, from the very outset, that the American League Against 
War and Fascism had gained the attention both of friends and sympathizers and 
of opponents and enemies. The endorsements of labor and of civic bodies, the 
presence of official observers from political groups and the interest of the press 
and public figures marked the broad impress of the Congress. Attacks by offi- 
cials of the American Legion and the presence of the snooping Hearst press 
revealed that the league had become a force to be considered l)y the proponents 
of war and fascism. 

The serious mood of the congress and the broad makeup of the delegations 
characterized the sessions of the three commissions that met on Friday at the 
Hotel Hollenden. The women's commission, ably led by Margaret Forsythe, 
considered the signature campaign for total disarmament, antiwar work among 
farm women, the increasing discrimination used against women, and several 
other vital problems. A national women's committee was selected to carry on 
the program adopted by this commission. The youth commission, with Waldo 
McNutt and James Lerner as leaders, gave its attention to the problems of mili- 
tarism in education and youth under fascism. The Commission on Organiza- 
tional Structure and Tactics, with Charles Webber in the chair, concentrated 
on finance and membership, extensions and affiliations, campaigns and united- 
front problems. "Our burning concern in this commission," read the opening 
report, "and throughout the whole congress is to strengthen the league as the 
most effective organization opposing the onrush of war and the inroads of fascism 
in the United States." 

Mass meeting. Friday night. The arena of the Public Auditorium. From the 
opening words of greeting by Mayor Harold Burton of Cleveland to the closing 
words of the last speaker, Gen. Smedley Butler, the common purpose and intense 
interest of the 10,000 people assembled was constantly affirmed. Scorning the 
criticism of the local American Legion, Mayor Burton defended the right of free 
speech and free assembly by welcoming the congress on behalf of the city of 
Cleveland. Max S. Hayes, speaking for the A. F. of L. of Cleveland, warned the 
huge crowd of the growing Fascist acts of orderly government, and maintained 
that even if the devil himself had founded the league he was with it through 
thick and thin in its purpose to stop war and fascism. 

Among the other speakers were Caroline Hart, youth speaker; Langston 
Hughes, Negro author and playwright ; Rabbi Barnett R. Brickner, of Cleveland ; 
Frank Palmer, editor of the People's Press ; Bishop Edgar Blake, of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church; Wyndham Mortimer, of the auto workers' union; State 
Senator C. W. Fine, of North Dakota ; and Gen. Smedley Butler. All reiterated 
the need for the widest possible common action against the evils of war and 



2192 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

fascism. Bishop Blake, in his quiet, scholarly way, alined the church morally 
and actively with all those forces that are working for peace and freedom. 
General Butler, in his typical style, denounced war as a racket, and swore that 
the league was on the right track in opposing war. Dr. Ward, as chairman 
of the meeting, clearly stated the purposes and program of the league just 
before he introduced General Butler for the part of the program that went 
on the air. 

The first general session of the congress on Saturday morning began with a 
very dramatic moment as the chairman, Dr. Ward, asked the delegates to stand 
in memory of those who would have been present but were restrained in jails. 
Greetings from Councilman Joseph Artl, of Cleveland, brought words of appre- 
ciation from the chairman for the valuable help that Mr. Artl had given in pre- 
paring for the congress. The delegates cheered as Mrs. Victor L. Berger, widow 
of one of America's pioneer Socialists, spoke. 

The report of Dr. Harry F. Ward, the national chairman, was received with 
both applause and sober reflection. "We meet today in a world which is mo- 
bilized for war as never before in the history of man, a world in which war has 
begun. * * * Our task here is first to see that the United States is kept out of 
war, next to use our exceptional position, because of our immunity from invasion, 
because of our freedom from entangling alliances, not for purposes of selfish iso- 
lation, but in order to stop the wax'makers, and the invaders of other people's 
territory in other parts of the world.* * * It is clear that the Fascist forces in 
the United States are crystallizing and consolidating. * * * Fascism in this 
country is the destruction of democracy by violence, the substitution of the rule 
of force for the attempt of the people to govern themselves, and this, for the sake 
of preserving profits, property income, and the profit system ; that is the essence 
of American fascism." 

According to the report of the executive secretary, Paul Reid, the league grew 
in the last 15 months from 44 city committees to 101, and from 835 members to 
4,500. Significant advances in the printing and distribution of publications and 
in organizational developments were also noted. The chief weaknesses cited 
were financial and the need for more organizers in the field. The report con- 
cluded : "We have come far as an organization and as a force in the American 
scene in the past 15 months. But during 1936 we must cover more ground and 
become a still stronger organization if we are to achieve the goals which the 
American League Against War and Fascism set for itself 2 years and 3 months 
ago. 

Nine commissions met on Saturday afternoon to consider the campaign against 
war and fascism as it related to specific fields and interests. The Trade Union 
and Labor Commission, with Clarence Irwin as chairman, was the largest and 
represented the most vital interest of the congress. Between five and six hun- 
dred delegates were occupied over 4 hours in the deliberations of this commis- 
sion. Delegates from coast to coast and from all the major industrial fields took 
part. The war and fascism commission under the leadership of Roger Baldwin 
was next largest in numbers and interest. Here the new 10-point program of 
the league was hammered out and prepared for presentation to the congress. 
James Waterman Wise was in charge of the commission on national and racial 
minorities ; Rev. Herman Reissig led the religious commission ; Kay Harris pre- 
sided over the farm commission ; Harold Hickerson was chairman of the vet- 
erans' commission ; LeRoy Bowman, of educational commission ; Sarah Story and 
Gene Oliver, of the children's commission ; and Joseph Pass, of the Fight and 
literature commission. 

The cultural program on Saturday night was prefaced by a very impressive 
Barbusse memorial service in which Dr. Ward, Earl Browder, and Roger Bald- 
win were the speakers. The founder of the World Committee of the League 
Against War and Fascism was memorialized in words, in thoughts, and in music. 
Gen. Fang Chen-Wu, of China, and Jean Perron, of Canada, added their 
words of appreciation for the historic work of this great leader. The cultural 
program of drama and music was not only impressive of itself but added variety 
and new form to the congress program. 

The Sunday morning session of the congress was packed full of interesting 
reports, and several rather dramatic events occurred. Prof. Robert Morss Lovett, 
chairman of the credentials conmiittee, gave a preliminary report on the number 
and kinds of delegates registered. Margaret Forsythe, reporting from the 
women's commission, not only presented a resume of the work done at the con- 
gress, but also indicated the growing scope of the activities of women against 
war and fascism throughout the country. The high point of the youth commis- 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2193 

sion report — given by James Lerner, youth secretary — was the announcement of 
a declaration of youth adopted by this conuuissioii. Reports of the farm, reli- 
gious, educational, children's, and organization conuuissions followed, revealing 
a vast amount of solid work and concrete plans for action in these si>eciflc fields 
in the year ahead. 

One more connnission report came before the noonday adjournment, and that 
was on the lO-point program (see p. (>) considered by the war and fascism com- 
mission. Roger Baldwin presenti'd these points and they were adopted in order, 
with a minority report on but one point. The issue involved was a rather simple 
one — whether the Soviet Union should be referred to in the statement of our 
stand on total disarmament. The assembled delegates voted by a decisive major- 
ity to include the words, and thus rejected the minority position. 

The international session which began the afternoon program centered on the 
worldwide character of the movement against war and fascism. Dr. Mendez, of 
Mexico, invited the congress to send delegates to an all- American congress in 
Mexico City next June. A message from the oppressed people of Cuba was 
delivered by Leonardo Fernandez Sanchez, now a political exile in this country 
after serving valiantly in the Cuban league. 

Canada was represented by A. A. McLeod, the general secretary of the Canadian 
league. 

General Fang Chen-Wu presented a warm message of greeting from the op- 
pressed people of China, with Dr. Hansu Chan acting as interpreter. Then Miss 
Haru Matsui spoke for the Japanese people who are opposed to war and fascism. 
At this point a statement prepared by a number of Christian Japanese in this 
country was read, giving expression to their opposition to the imperialist and 
Fascist acts of the ruling group in Japan. Dr. Kurt Rosenfeld spoke on behalf 
of the German anti-Fascists and revealed the latest developments of the brutal 
Fascist regime in Germany. Another colorful moment full of dramatic meaning 
occurred when Dr. Ward introduced a Negro and an Italian, representing Ethi- 
opia and Italy, and these two fellow lighters against the ravages of war and the 
oppressions of fascism shook hands and greeted each other warmly. 

Paul Porter, official observer for the national executive conmiittee of the 
Socialist Party, welcomed the resolution introduced by Robert Morss Lovett, 
which opened the way for the closer cooperation between the Socialist Party, the 
league, and additional trade unions toward the broadening of the movement 
against war and fascism. 

The remaining commission reports — trade union, national and racial minorities, 
and literature and Fight — were the next items of business. Clarence Irwin, 
reporting for the trade-union commission, maintained — with spirited applause — 
that the position of organized labor was basic in the struggle against war and 
fascism. James Waterman Wise and Manning Johnson gave the report for the 
minorities commission, and revealed that many minority groups were taking an 
active part in our common drive against the evils before us. Joseph Pass, in the 
concluding report, presented the plans for an enlarged magazine with many new 
features, and for additional pamphlets and leaflets.^ 



Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 14 

(Fight, September 1934, p. 5) 

Antiwar Congkess 

(By Earl Browder) 

The writer of this article is the general secretary of the Communist Party and 
a vice chairman of the American League Against War and Fascism. 

The American League Against W^ar and Fascism arose out of the first great 
United States Congress Against War and Fascism, held in New York 1 year ago. 

This was the initial serious effort in America to build a really broad, all-inclu- 
sive united front against these twin scourges of the masses of the population. 
Now, as we approach the second congress, called for Chicago on September 28, 
29, and 30, it is valuable to review our experiences of a year ago. Let us recall 
what it was that made the first congress a strong and historic gathering. 

Last year's congress escaped those pitfalls which would have condemned it to 
sterility. From the beginning, it refused to adopt any limitation which would 



^ This article describes further the reports of various committees of this congress, and 
the singing of "Solidarity" at its conclusion. 



2194 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

have excluded any group or category expressing a sincere desire to unite on a 
minimum program of struggle against war and fascism. As a result, the congress 
had 2,616 delegates, from 35 States, representing the broadest variety of organi- 
zations ever gathered under 1 roof in this country, from churches and peace 
groups, trade unions, a wide variety of workers' political, fraternal, and cultural 
organizations, etc. Some idea of the inclusive character of the congress is given 
by the official report of the credentials committee rendered to the congress. 

Who Camef 

Report of the credentials committee submitted by Delegate Jack Herling : 
This report covers the delegates registered at this congress up until 10 a. m. 
Sunday morning. We have not questioned the right of any delegate to this 
congress to be seated. 

Delegates are present at this congress from 35 States in the United States 
and from 3 foreign countries. The total number of delegates at present reg- 
istered is 2,616, listed under the following general categories. 

Antiwar and peace organizations 178 

Anti-Fascist organizations 19 

Labor defense and relief 172 

Educational and cultural 364 

Religious groups 14 

Language labor groups 253 

Fraternal labor organizations 370 

Trade unions 450 

Factory committees 147 

Unemployed organizations 135 

Farmers organizations 41 

Veterans organizations 87 

Women organizations 106 

Negro organizations 19 

General youth organizations 129 

Student groups 79 

Communist Party 130 

Young Communist League 70 

Socialist Party 9 

Y. P. Socialist League 1 

Other political parties (Conference for Progressive I^abor Action, Com- 
munist Party opposition, official representatives) 18 

People's Lobby 5 

Continental Congress 1 

National Guard 1 

Rifle Club 1 

Antiwar mass meetings 4 

Miscellaneous 19 

League of Nations Association 1 

The coming second congress can, and must, be made even larger and more 
alMnclusIve than the first one. This is the road to a real mass struggle against 
war and fascism, which can be defeated only through mass power. 

Facing reality 

Another set of pitfalls that threatened the first congress, was the questions 
arising around the program. There was the danger of dissolving the movement 
by seeking to offend no one in the program, which, in the last analysis always 
means to have a program so vague that it is no program at all. There was the 
opposite danger of running so far ahead of the mass movement that the bulk of 
even sincere enemies of war and fascism would not be prepared to follow. 

Both these dangers on the program question were avoided by the first congress. 
Steadfastly insisting upon a minimum program of action, without illusions, 
facing the most bitter realities, recognizing the true relation of class forces, the 
congress at the same time -drew up such a program as even the enemies of the 
League Against War and Fascism have found exceedingly difficult to attack. The 
program appeals to, and gives practical tasks for, the most diverse groups and 
strata of the toiling population, in such form that to reject the program is clearly 
in all objective results nothing else than to reject the fight against war and 
fascism. 



COMAIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2195 

Attached to the call for the second congress, this program has again been cir- 
culated in 1(X>,U00 copies. It would be very valuable if it would become the sub- 
ject of a broad mass discussion in the precongress period. We invite all critics 
of the league or its program, to come forwai-d, please, with any and all criticisms 
of tliis document. All such criticisms will serve the very valuable purpose of 
demonstrating how sound and indispensable precisely such a program as this is 
for tlie movement against war and fascism. Perhaps that is the reason why all 
our enemies keep dead silence about our program ; it is one of our really strong 
points. 

Taking stock 

What progress have we made in carrying out the program? Here the situation 
is not so favorable. Only the first beginnings have been made. We cannot, of 
course, afford to underestimate the importance of what we have been able to do. 
The American League Against War and Fascism has, for the first time in this 
country, brought upon the scene a dependable yardstick to measure the worth 
and effectiveness of all ideas and organizations in this field. This has been 
enormously valuable ; it has brought some order into the previous chaos ; it has 
revealed who is who and where they stand. A great educational work, of 
fundamental nature, has been done. 

Serious achievements in carrying out our program since the first congress are, 
however, as yet confined largely to the field of educational work. Of a more 
deep-g(»ing nature — mobilizing for sustained actions and bringing organizational 
features of a permanent character, we can cite only a few outstanding examples. 
This would include : 

1. The growth of the youth section and its activities, which have extended 
and activized the broad united front to include about everything healthy and liv- 
ing in its field, student-strike movement, a national youth day series of mass 
demonstrations, dozens of conferences, publications, etc. 

2. The Women's Committee and especially its mass campaign for election of 
the broad delegation to the Women's World Congress Against War and Fascism 
in Paris. 

3. The growingly successful publication of the monthly journal. Fight Against 
War and Fascism, which has won a secure and honorable place for itself purely 
on its merits. 

4. The mass demonstrations and parades on August 4, the 20th anniversary of 
the world war, which in some places, as New York City, revealed an unexpected 
degree of mass interest and active support for the American League, and dis- 
closed really great potentialities. 

Moiilize 

We have all reasons to expect the second congress, to be held in Chicago on Sep- 
tember 28, 29, and 30, to mark another big step forward. Every sincere enemy of 
war and fascism must put his shoulder to the wheel to guarantee that it will 
actually do so. 



Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 15 
(Fight, February 1935, p. 14) 

The League's Program 

1. To work toward the stopping of the manufacture and transport of munitions 
and all other materials essential to the conduct of war, throush mass demon- 
strations, picketing and strikes; to likewise withdraw the professionals from 
the service of the war machine and to enlist them in agitation and educational 
propaganda against war and every aspect of fascism. 

2. To expose everywhere the extensive preparations for war being carried on 
under tlie guise of aiding national recovery. 

3. To demand the transfer of all war funds to relief of the unemployed, the 
distressed farmers and those deprived of education and the social services. 

4. To oppose the policies of American imperialism in the Far East, in Latin 
America and throughout the world; to support the struggles of all colonial 
peoples against the imperialist policies of exploitation and armed suppression. 

5. To support the peace policies of the Soviet Union and especially the pro- 
posals for total and universal disarmament, which today with the support of 
masses in all coimtries constitute the clearest and most effective opposition to 
war throughout the world. 



2196 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

6. To oppose all developments leading to fascism in this country and abroad, 
especially in Germany and other countries under Fascist dictatorships; to oppose 
the increasingly widespread use of the armed forces against the workers, farm- 
ers, and the special terrorism and suppression of Negroes in their attempts to 
maintain a decent standard of living; to mobilize aggressive defense of the 
civil liberties of these groups and so stop the growing Fascist trend of our so- 
called democratic government. 

7. To win the armed forces to the support of the program. 

8. To enlist for our program the women in industry and in the home ; and 
to enlist the youth, especially those who, by the crisis, have been deprived 
of training in the industries and are therefore more susceptible to Fascist and 
war propaganda. 

9. To give effective international support to all workers and antiwar fighters 
against their own imperialist governments ; and to all who suffer under and 
struggle against the Fascist state. 

10. To form committees of action against war and fascism in every im- 
portant center and industry, particularly in the basic war industries ; to secure 
the support for this program of all organizations seeking to prevent war, paying 
special attention to labor, veteran, unemployed, and farmer organizations. 

National, state, and city organizations of the league shall carry out these 
objectives through educational propaganda, action by mass meetings, demon- 
strations, picketing, and political pressure on legislative and administrative 
officials. Every emergency calling for action shall be met by national cam- 
paigns uniting all our forces in common resistance to these allied destroyers 
of mankind — war and fascism. 



Manning Johnson Exhibit Nos. 16 and 17 
(Fight, February 1936, p. 6; March 1936, p. 14') 

Action 

The American League Against War and Fascism invites all organizations and 
persons who desire to defeat these two allied enemies of mankind — war and 
fascism — to unite in carrying out the following program : 

1. To work toward the stopping of the manufacture and transport of munitions 
in time of peace or war, and in time of war the transport of all other materials 
essential to the conduct of war, through mass demonstrations, picketing, and 
strikes; and to enlist the professional classes in educational propaganda against 
war and for participation with woi'kers and farmers in antiwar actions. 

2. To expose at every point the extensive preparations for war being carried 
on by the Government of the United States (a) under the guise of "national 
defense" and (ft) by diversion to war preparations funds for relief projects and 
public works ; to demand that relief funds he spent only in constructive work or 
for adequate relief, and that the huge additional budgets now being spent in 
preparation for war be transferred to the extension of health and education. 

3. To resist the increasing militarization of youth in schools, CCO, and CMTC 
camps, and the use of their dependence upon relief to get them into the Armed 
Forces. 

4. To demand total and universal disarmament, as proposed by the Soviet 
Union to the League of Nations, and to support all measures that move clearly 
toward that goal. 

5. To demand that neutrality legislation effectively cover all war supplies, 
loans, and credits, and permit no discretion to the President ; more particularly, to 
promote and support refusal of workers to handle all materials of war ; to 
organize and support public condemnation of those who seek profit from the sale 
of war materials and war loans ; to organize mass support for every effort, 
national or international, which, in our judgment, as occasion arises, is directed 
toward postponing, restricting, or shortening war. 

6. To oppose the policies of American imperialism in Latin America, the Far 
East, and throughout the world ; to give the support of our protests and demands 
to all peoples who are resisting exploitation, aggression, and suppression by 
imperialist powers; to those in all lands who struggle against the war measures 
and Fascist policies of their own governments, and to all who suffer under the 
Fascist state. 

7. To demonstrate constantly the relationship between war and fascism ; to 
expose and counteract Fascist propaganda, both foreign and native; to prevent 
the formation of Fascist forces in this country. 



1 Text of exhibits 16 and 17 are identical. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2197 

8. To oppose all developments leading to fascism, particularly the increasingly 
widespread use of armed forces and vigilante terrorism against workers, unem- 
ployed, farmers, Negroes, and other racial minorities, who are exercising their 
constitutional rights to protest against unbearable conditions and to organize 
for their own advancement. 

9. To resist the attempts of our American Fascists to destroy by legislation, 
Executive order, judicial decree, or lawless action, our guaranteed civil rights 
of free speech, free press, free assembly, the right to organize, picket, and dem- 
onstrate; and further to resist all forms of discrimination against foreign-born 
based on their political or labor activities. 

10. To oppose all legislation or orders denying citizens in the Armed Forces 
their constitutional right to receive printed matter or personal appeals in behalf 
of this or any other program designed to secure peace, freedom, and justice; 
and to defend their right to join organizations on the same basis as other citizens. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, when you listed a short time ago in the 
record this afternoon a group of names of members of the national 
executive committee of the American League Against War and Fas- 
cism, you included one Winifred Chappell. Did you know Winifred 
Chappell personally ? 

Mr. JoHNSOisr. Yes. Winifred Chappell was a Communist, and at 
the same time she was secretary of the Methodist Federation for So- 
cial Service. Now, in Fight magazine, June 1934, on page 15, she 
wrote an article, and I quote : 

Japan's competitive exports. 

I won't read the entire article. I only wish to quote the last para- 
graph of the article. She wrote : 

Events of April and May have suddenly made this trade war into front-page 
news. It is an unconcluded serial story (intertwined with the lagertail of ri- 
valry between two economic assistants for the Soviet Union and the Soviet 
part of Cliina are also in the picture), the last chapter of which will be war, 
unless the workers who now make the competitive goods join in one mass war 
refusal and then in a joyful international Soviet to supply their own and each 
other's needs. 

Mr. ScHERER. You say she was secretary of the Methodist Federa- 
tion at the time she wrote that article? 

Mr. Johnson. That is right. She is calling for an international 
Soviet government. 

jNIr. ScHERER. Did she write that as a Communist or as the secre- 
tary^ of the Methodist Federation, or just under her own name? 

Mr. Johnson. She wrote this as secretary of the Methodist Fed- 
eration for Social Service. 

Mr. ScHERER. Where did you say that was published? 

Mr. Johnson. In Fight magazine, June 1934. 

Mr. ScHERER. Was she a member of the American League Against 
War and Fiscism? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes. 

Mr. KuNziG. And you knew her as a Communist? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes. 

Mr. Kunzig. So in a sense in the person of Winifred Chappell, the 
Communist Party, the American League Against War and Fascism, 
and the Methodist Federation for Social Service were all blended into 
one? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes. 

Mr. Kunzig. Can you explain, if it lies within your knowledge, 
why the Methodist Federation did not expel her immediately from 
its ranks ? 



2198 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE NEW YORK AREA 

Mr. Johnson. The Methodist Federation for Social Service did 
not expel her, because the program of the Methodist Federation for 
Social Service calls for the Soviet form of government. 

Mr. ScHERER. Who was the chairman at that time of the Methodist 
Federation ? 

Mr. Johnson. Harry F. Ward. 

Mr. ScHERER. At that very time? 

Mr. Johnson. I am sure he was chairman in 1934. 

Mr. KuNziG. Is that the same Harry F. Ward who was also chair- 
man of the American League for Peace and Democracy? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; that is right. 

Mr. ScHERER. The same one you have identified as a Communist? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes. 

Mr. KuNziG. Then the Methodist Federation had at least two prin- 
cipal officers who were not only members of the Methodist Federation 
for Social Service but also members of the Communist Party, to your 
personal knowledge ? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. 

Mr. Scherer. May I ask one more question of the witness, Mr. 
Counsel ? 

Was Winifred Chappell also an active member of the Methodist 
Church at that time ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, she was. 

Mr. KuNziG. Is that the same Winifred Chappell who wrote the 
article that youth of America should not yield to conscription and 
should not fight if they actually were conscripted in any United States 
Army ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; she is one and the same. 

Mr. Scherer. How long did she remain secretary of the Methodist 
Federation ? 

Mr. Johnson. She was active, to my knowledge, many years, the 
exact number I do not know at this time. 

Mr. Scherer. What is the date of this article ? 

Mr. KuNziG. June 1934. 

Mr. Scherer. Mr. Johnson, do you know of any other person who 
was an officer of the Methodist Federation at any time who was a 
member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes; the Reverend Jack McMichael was a member 
of the Methodist Federation. 

I understand that he did attend and graduate from a divinity school. 

Mr. Scherer. What was his connection with the Methodist Federa- 
tion ? 

Mr. Johnson. He was executive secretary of the Methodist Federa- 
tion for Social Action up until 1953. 

Mr. KuNZiG. I note you say the Methodist Federation for Social 
Action, whereas a moment ago you were referring to it as the Federa- 
tion for Social Service. Could you clarify that point and explain 
just what those two organizations were? 

Mr. Johnson. They are one and the same organization. It is just 
a change of names. It was first called the Methodist Federation for 
Social Service, and later it changed its name to the Methodist Federa- 
tion for Social Action. 

Mr. Scherer. How did you know that Reverend McMichael was a 
Communist ? 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2199 

Mr. Johnson. Well, durin^^ the period that I was a member of the 
Communist Party, during the thii-ties, Jack McMichael was a member 
of the National Connnittee of the Youn<T Communist League, and 
he was also a member of the Communist Party, and from time to time 
he met with the now fugitive Communist, (Jilbert Green, who was 
head of the Young Communist League at that time, and he attended 
occasionally meetings of the national committee of the Connnunist 
Party with Gilbert Green. 

Mr. ScHERER. Was Reverend McMichael still a member of the Com- 
munist Party when you left the party ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, he was. 

Mr. ScHERER. Mr. Counsel, the interrogation of this witness will 
be continued at a later date in Washington. 

Mr. Johnson, you will be notified as to when it will be. necessary for 
you to appear. The committee will now recess pending the call of 
the Chair. 

(Whereupon, the subcommittee proceeded with the consideration of 
other matters of concern to the committee, after which it adjourned, 
pending the call of the Chair. The committee continued its inter- 
rogation of Manning Johnson on July 13, 1953, and will be printed 
in Investigation of Communist Activities in the New York City Area — 
Parts.) 

X 



BOSTON PUBLIC LIBRARY 





3 9999 05018 396 9 



INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE 
NEW YORK CITY AREA-Part 8 

(BASED ON TESTIMONY OF MANNING JOHNSON) 



HEARINGS 



,,„ ,,, BEFORE THE 



COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 
.w^^-- HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 



EIGHTY-THIRD CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 



JULY 13 AND 14, 1953 



Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities 



INCLUDING INDEX 




UNITED STATES 
<;<t\ lOUXMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
33909 WASHINGTON : 1953 



r 

0\ 



Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

OCT 7 - 1953 



COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 

United States House of Representatives 
HAROLD H. VELDE, Illinois, Chairman 



BERNARD W. KEARNEY, New York 
DONALD L. JACKSON, California 
KIT CLARDY, Michigan 
GORDON H. SCHERER, Ohio 



FRANCIS E. WALTER, Pennsylvania 
MORGAN M. MOULDER, Missouri 
CLYDE DOYLE, California 
JAMES B. FRAZIER, JE., Tennessee 



Robert L. Kdnzig, Counsel 

Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., Counsel 

Louis J. Russell, Chief Investigator 

Thomas W. Beale, Sr.. Chief Clerk 

Raphael I. Nixon, Director of Research 



u 



CONTENTS 



Page 
Testimony of Manning Johnson (resumed) 2201 

Manning Johnson Exliibit No. 18 — Fight Magazine, July 1936, pages 

5 and 26, article entitled, "I Make Shells," by George Roberts 2203 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 19 — Daily Worker, February 17, 1953, 
pages 1 and 6, article headed, "2,300 Clergymen Ask Talks with 
Eisenhower" 2215 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 20 — International of Youth, March 
1935, pages 25 and 26, excerpt from article entitled "Full Speed 
Ahead," by Gilbert Green 2222 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 21 — Daily Worker, May 7, 1953, 
page 7, article headed, "Dr. Harry F. Ward's Achievements Re- 
counted at Dinner in His Honor" 2228 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 22 — The Protestant Digest, April 1939, 
pages 61-03, article entitled "United Christian Council for 
Democracy" 2231 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 23 — The Protestant Digest, December 
1938, article entitled, "Bill Spofford Hails United Front," by 
William B. Spofford, reprinted from The Witness, September 22, 
1938 2236 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 24 — The Protestant, April-May, 1942, 
pages 52-55, excerpts from article entitled "Spirituality and Marx," 
by David Easton 2237 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 25 — The Protestant Digest, January 
1940, pages 68-73, article entitled "Toward a Democratic Peace," 
by Harry F. Ward 2239 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 26 — The Protestant, October-Novem- 
ber 1942, pages 47-50, Two Speeches, by Kenneth Leslie 2243 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 27 — -The Protestant, June- July 1942, 
page 4, article entitled "Whose Property Is This War?" by Kenneth 
Leslie 2245 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 28 — The Protestant, December- 
January, 1942, pages 2 and 3, article entitled "God's Red Army".. 2246 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 29 — The Protestant, April 1939, pages 
57 and 58, excerpt from article entitled "Why Not Be Fair to the 
Soviet Union?" by Jerome Davis 2247 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 30 — The Protestant, October-Novem- 
ber 1942, pages 38 and 39, article entitled "Meditation at Mur- 
mansk," and letter addressed, "Dear Christ," by Daniel James 2248 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 31 — The Protestant, October-Novem- 
ber 1941, pages 10 and 11, article entitled "Poison Well and the 
Dean's Book" 2250 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 32 — The Protestant, October-Novem- 
ber 1941, pages 105 and 106, letter to the editor, by Anna Louise 
Strong 2250 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 33 — The Protestant, Januarj'-February- 

March 1950, pages 4-6 2251 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 34. — The Protestant, October- 
November 1941, pages 66-75, condensed version of article entitled 
"God and Starvation— A True Story." by Cedric Belfrage 2256 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 35 — ^Daily Worker, July 10, 1953, 

page 5, cartoon and editorial entitled "Freedom of Religion" 2262 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 36 — People's Institute of Applied 
Religion, letterhead dated April 9, 1942, containing officers, and 
international board and sponsors of that organization 2264 

III 



IV CONTENTS 

Testimony of — Continued. Page 
Manning Johnson Exhibit Xo. 37 — Young Communist Review, 
September 1938, pages 8-10, article entitled "A Communist Dis- 
cusses Christianity," by Raymond Guyot 2267 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 38 — Daily Worker, January 15, 1953, 
page 8, article headed, "161 Protestant Church Leaders Ask 

Truman To Amnesty Communist 11" 2270 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 39 — Daily Worker, January 14, 1953, 
pages 1 and 6, article headed, "1,500 Protestant Pastors Ask Truman 

To Save Refugees" 2273 

Statement of Hoyt S. Haddock 2280 

Index to Investigation of Communist Activities in the New York City 

Area— Parts 5-8 2283 



Public Law 601, T9th Congress 

Tlie legislation under wliieli the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79tli Congress [1946], chapter 
753, 2d session, which provides: 

Be it enacted hi/ the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
of America in Congress assembled, * * * 

PART 2— RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

Rui^ X 

SEC. 121. STANDING COMMITTEES 
******* 

17. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members. 

Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 



(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(A) Un-American activities. 

(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommit- 
tee, is authorized to malie from time to time investigations of (i) the extent, 
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks 
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and 
(iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any neces- 
sary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such in- 
vestigation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such 
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, 
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under the 
signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 



RULES ADOPTED BY THE S3d CONGRESS 

House Resolution 5, January 3, 1953 
******* 

Rule X 

STANDING COMMITTEES 

1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Congress, 
the following standing committees : 

******* 

(q) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members. 
******* 

Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 
******* 

17. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American Activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time, investigations of (1) the extent, char- 
acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States; 
(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and 
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu- 
tion ; and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress 
in any necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to 
the Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such 
investigation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance of 
such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and to 
take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under the 
signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by such chairman, and may be served by any person designated 
by any such chairman or member. 



INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE 
NEW YORK CITY AREA— PART 8 

(Based ou Testimony of Manning Johnson) 



MONDAY, JULY 13, 1953 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the Committee 

ON Un-American Activities. 

Washington, D. G. 
EXECUTI^^ session ^ 

The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
met, pursuant to adjournment, at 10 : 49 a. m., in room 225-A, Old 
House Office Building, Washington, D. C, Hon. Kit Clardy presiding. 

Committee members present: Representatives Kit Clardy, Clyde 
Dojde (appearance noted in transcript), and James B. Frazier, Jr. 
(appearance noted in transcript). 

Staff members present: Robert L. Kunzig, counsel; Leslie Scott, 
research analj^st; George E. Cooper, investigator; and Mrs. Juliette 
Joray, acting clerk. 

Mr. Clardy. The hearing will be in order. 

Let the record show that the chairman has appointed a subcom- 
mittee of Mr. Clardy, Mr. Doyle, and Mr. Frazier for the purpose 
of continuing this hearing. 

Are you ready to proceed, Mr. Comisel ? 

Mr. KuNziG. I am, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Clardy. Let us take up where we left off in New York. 

Mr. KuNziG. Off the record. 

TESTIMONY OF MANNING JOHNSON— Kesimed 

Mr. KuxziG. Mr. Johnson, could you give us further detailed testi- 
monj' about the Methodist Federation for Social Service which, I 
understand, later changed its name to the Methodist Federation for 
Social Action? 

Mr. Johnson. The Methodist Federation for Social Sei-vice or the 
Methodist Federation for Social Action, headed by Rev. Harry F. 
Ward, whom I have already identified as a party member, was in- 
valuable to the Communist Party in its united-front organizations 
and campaigns. It was invaluable because through it the party was 
able to get contact with thousands of ministers all over the country. 



^ Released by the full committee. Although this testimony was taken in Washing:ton, 
D. C, it follows the earlier appearance of Manning Johnson before a subcommittee which 
was sitting in New York City. For the purpose of continuity, this is printed under same 
title. 

2201 



2202 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Mr. KuNziG. How do you mean that? 

Mr. Johnson. Through the affiliation of ministers to the Methodist 
Federation for Social Service or Social Action. 

Mr. Clardy. You mean they could contact ministers who had not 
the slightest idea about the sinister purposes and background of what 
they were trying to do ? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. They had the contact, a wealth of 
contact, established and built up over the years with ministers in every 
section of the country who were easily and quickly involved in various 
united-front activities, consequently giving these Communist-front 
movements an aura of respectability the like of which they could not 
get except for the tremendous amount of faith people have in religion 
and the church. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mrs. Bella Dodd testified before this committee a few 
weeks ago to the effect that from her personal knowledge w^hen she 
was one of the leading Communists in New York, they had various, 
what she called, sucker lists of distinguished citizens, scientists, and 
professional people throughout the country whom they used when- 
ever they needed distinguished fronts to cover up their purposes. 
These people did not know what their names were being used for. Is 
the testimony that you are giving with regard to these ministers an 
identically similar situation ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, only with this exception, that there were a num- 
ber of ministers who actually knew what they were doing. 

Mr. Clardy. May I interrupt to correct you, Mr. Kunzig? 

Mrs. Dodd did not go quite that far. She indicated that some of 
them did know the score, but that the vast majority of them probably 
did not. In other words, there were a few, just as the witness has indi- 
cated, who did know definitely that they were lending themselves to 
Communist purposes, but most of them did not. 

Mr. Johnson. I might add that quite a few ministers, for example, 
participated in the united front known as the American League 
Against War and Fascism, and it was later called the American League 
for Peace and Democracy, in which many ministers were involved. 
In fact, they were so deeply involved through Harry F. Ward, that 
they became the spokesmen, the advocates, the builders, and the lead- 
ers of this most important Communist front that engaged in every- 
thing from simple assault on a government to espionage, sabotage, and 
the overthrow of the Government of the United States. 

Mr. Kunzig. Can you give some specific examples of this, please? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes. I have before me an article in the Fight maga- 
zine. Fight magazine was a publication of the American League 
Against War and Fascism, and later the American League for Peace 
and Democracy. It is an article written by George Roberts; the 
subject, I Make Shells. He asks the following questions: 

Are we prepared for an offensive war, or are we merely maintaining defensive 
forces? A munitions worker gives inside information on naval armaments. 

Mr. Kunzig. What is the date of this article, Mr. Johnson? 

Mr. Johnson. The date of this article is July 1936. The author of 
this article gives specifically to a Communist publication that is sent 
to Moscow definite specifications of types and kinds of munitions, not 
only shells, but submarine periscopes and other munitions. He also 
gives quantities, increases in production over previous years. In short, 
he gives information that is invaluable to Soviet military intelligence. 



COMJMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2203 

Mr. Clardy. Looking that article over, witness, it appears to me 
that the type of material tliat is contained is something that would be 
known either to tlio Govei'innent or to the person or firm entering into 
the contract. It does not appear to be the type of information that 
would normally be broadcast. 

I wonder if you have any information about the identity of the fel- 
low who wrote that, any suggestion to make as to how he would come 
in |)ossession of tliat information? 

Mr. Johnson. I could only say this, that the author, George Roberts, 
evidently was in a sensitive spot in this particular munitions plant. 
I do not knoAv him personally, and I could not sa.y that he is a mem- 
ber of the Connnunist Party. He could either be a Communist, or 
he could be a fellow who thought that by giving this information that 
eventually will reach Russia in a roundabout way or direct way, that 
he was aiding the cause of peace and democracy, and that is the danger 
of these Communist-front organizations, in that they sell Americans 
on an ideal, which, of course, they use for other purposes, for their 
evil purposes. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Chairman, I have this document now in my hand. 
It is marked "Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 18," and I offer it, sir, 
into evidence at this time. 

Mr. Clardy. It will be received. 

(The article from Fight magazine of July 193G, entitled "I Make 
Shells," was received in evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 18.) 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. IS 

(Fight, July 1936, pp. 5 and 26) 
I Make Shells 

ARE WE PREPARING FOR AN OFFENSIVE WAR? OR ARE \^'E MERELY MAINTAINING DE- 
FENSIVE FORCES? — A MUNITIONS WORKER GIVES INSIDE INFORMATION ON NAVAI. 
ARMAMENTS 

By George Roberts 
Illustrated by H. J. Gllntenkamp 

I am a munitions worker. I spend S hours out of every working day 
helping to make shells and cannon ordered by the United States Navy. For 
almost a year, I have been employed in a New Jersey steel mill, whose chief 
concern today is the filling of those orders. There are six or seven hundred 
of us, working in three shifts, night and day, getting those shells ready to be 
shipped to the arsenals where they are painted, gTeased, and boxed, and getting 
the cannon ready to be sent away to be rifled. We who make these death 
dealers are fully three-quarters of all the men employed in the mill. 

There was a time when this place where I work was just a high-grade mill, 
turning out steel for tools, razor blades, and other needs of civic existence that 
called for the finest quality of steel. But that was a good many years ago — 
before 191.5, to be exact. Then a large order for shells from Great Britain 
changed all that. Our country was "neutral," to be sure, but business is business. 

"Keeping Us Out of War" 

Two large ordnance buildings were added to the plant. These buildings, by 
the way, in this country where an insuflieiency of school buildings was then and 
still is a vexing problem, cost a couple of million apiece. 

It wasn't long after that, of course, that the United States began ordering 
shells, too. They had been using a very neat slogan about keeping us out of 
war, for presidential campaigning ; and since the public didn't know the politi- 
cians had their tongues in their cheeks as they said it, it put the campaign for 



2204 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

President Wilson over with a bang. And then suddenly it developed that we 
were called upon to make the world safe for democracy ; and it seemed that 
those in power must have suspected it all along, because this mill where I work 
now, and no doubt a lot of other steel mills, had been filling United States orders 
for shells for some time. 

Once they got fairly started, and out in the open, the United States Govern- 
ment made an arrangement with the mill to pay for all the machines employed 
in munitions manufacture, with the agreement that it might remove or leave 
them, as it chose. But by the time the armistice came, they had been used sa 
much that they were too worn out to be worth moving. 

There followed a number of years when the shops stood idle. Then in 1926, 
they were used to repair locomotives. That was because a strike, known in 
labor annals as the "shopcrafts strike," was in progress, with machinists, boiler- 
makers, etc., in the railroad shops all out. In other words, these steel mill 
shops acted as strikebreakers, or "scabs," in the company's interest. 

It was about a year later that they started making shells again; shells for 
target practice and the like. Then in 1928 came a government order for 8-inch 
shells; in 1930-1, orders for 5-inch shells; and from 1932 on, orders of such 
increasing size and frequency that by now they are almost more than the company 
can handle, and we work, as I said before, in three steady shifts that keep 
going night and day. 

The shells we make are for the Navy only, and our munitions shops are under 
the control and constant supervision of Navy officials. Their inspectors are on 
the .iob all the time, to be sure that nothing is slipped through that isn't entirely 
up to standard. And "standard" is a pretty exacting matter ; only the best quality 
of steel is admissible, the same as is used in the finest tools. This steel is kneaded 
in huge ma.sses ; the process is like a baker kneading dough. Only dough is 
intended to preserve life, whereas this steel doesn't get by unless it is quite 
certain to be unfailingly destructive. It must be made hard enough to pierce 
armor. All steel is rigoi'ously tested for such hardness before it is used, and 
rejected if it doesn't pass the test. It is rumored that the government vises a 
special armor, made by a formula obtained from Germany, for testing shells. 

Long-Range Preparedness 

The number of orders now on hand for a navy whose purpose is purely defense, 
if we are to believe what we are told, is, to say the least, startling. An order 
for Model A 6-inch shells that started at 8,000 was soon raised to 14,000, and 
then speedily to 17,000, where it now stands. 

We are also filling an order for 2,900 Model B 6-inch shells, and for 25,000 
Model A 5-inch shells. We are making 24,000 5-inch antiaircraft shells ; and 
there is an order on hand, filling of which has not yet started, for 25,000 star 
shells, 5-inch. These are for lighting up the sky, each being fitted with a para- 
chute and a flare. 

Not the least significant of our orders, from the point of view of war prepara- 
tion, is that which calls for more than 2,000 14-inch shells (the order is expected 
to reach an ultimate total of 6,000) ; and a shop that has been out of use since 
the War is being specially equipped to take care of it. It must be remembered, 
in considering some of these figures, that the largest battleship has 12 guns, so 
that only 12 shots can be fired at a time. 

But the largest order of all is for 79,000 8-inch shells ; and when you consider 
that it takes a month to make a thousand, you can't have very much doubt about 
the long-range intentions of those placing the order. 

These 8-inch shells, during the last war, sold for $846 apiece, though what 
price destruction in taxpayers' money now, I do not know. But whatever it is, 
it represents an enormous profit to the manufacturer. The Model A 6-inch 
shells I mentioned are sold to the Government for more than $200 each, and 
cost less than $15 to make ; and the Model A 5-inch qost about $0.50 to make, 
while the Government, that is, the taxpayers, pays $22.50 for each. War is an 
excellent business — for some of the people concerned with it. 

We are also making 14 periscopes for submarines, each to cost $40,000, and a 
miscellaneous assortment of other war equipment, such as : 150 5-inch cannon 
(an increase of 25 over last year's order), long and short range; antiaircraft 
guns of the rapid-fire type, discharging one-pound shells ; and torpedo caps for 
submarines or destroyers. 

The munitions workers have a genei'al idea of whither it is all pointing ; and 
though they are not friendly to the idea of war — "more of those goddam shells," 



COMMUNIST ACTR^TIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2205 

they say — on the other hand, they are not actively against it. They are deplor- 
ably apathetic about this important issue, concentrating whatever resentment 
they have upon the fact that they are unfairly dealt with in the matter of wa^es. 
They are aware of the big profits that the company is making, and see, in contrast, 
the smallness of their wages, even though, in comparison with those of the non- 
ordnance workers in the mill, they might be considered "good." Here is the 
schedule for munitions workers : 





Hour 


Day 


Highly skilled labor 


Cents 
63 

5m 


$5. 1 
4 36 


Semiskilled labor 


Unskilled labor... 


3 24 







The w'ork is supposed to be done in a 5-day week, but sometimes there is ai 
sixth day, even at times Sunday. For such overtime, however, there are no 
overtime rates. 

Sometimes there is work which calls for special effort, and for this a bonus 
is given. The good old-fashioned method of punishing enemies and rewarding 
friends obtains here ; it is the "favorites" who get the opportunities to make the 
few extra dollars. 

The company discriminates against unionmen. Several men already employed 
who tried to form a local of the regular union within its walls were discharged. 
Another group of men tried to form an independent union ; these were not dis- 
charged, but were given jobs so difficult that they quit of their own accord. One 
union, and one only, is tolerated : the company union. 

Other than union affiliation, however, there are no bars to employment. They 
take on men with all sorts of disabilities : old men, one-eyed men, men minus a 
finger or two, young men without experience. The company figures, quite logi- 
cally, that these people won't kick against the low wages. 

Preparing a Naval War 

As I said before, the machinery was so worn out after the War that the Gov- 
ernment gave up its right under agreement to take it ; and around 1930 the com- 
pany sold it for junk. But before the purchasers removed it orders for muni- 
tions started coming in so thick and fast that the company bought it back. But 
though it is being used, it really is junk, and the company, finding it inadequate, 
is now buying new machines. They have installed thre€ automatic turning lathes 
that cost $15,000 each and two threading machines that cost $10,000 each. In 
addition, there is a reaming machine that can ream 200 shells per day. 

One would have to be blind not to see in all this the preparation for a naval 
war. All of these shells are the type used in attack. And anyone in sympathy 
with the world struggle for peace must be dismayed at this inside view of what is 
going on. Before I came to this job I worked in a shipyard, and I saw there, 
too, how everything is planned with a view to ready conversion for war purposes 
when needed. 

Antiwar Education Needed 

I think that as many people as possible should be made aware of all that is 
being prepared for them. I think they ought to be warned not to be taken in 
by the next batch of slogans dished out to them, and not to let the warmaker^ 
put over the idea that it is some sudden and unforeseen crisis like the sinking 
of a Lvsitania that causes entrance into war. I think they ought to know that 
preparations for war, far beyond the needs for defense, are going on heavily in 
times of peace. 

But this is not enough. There is work to be done — intensive work — among 
the steel-mill workers themselves. If they are dissatisfied with their wages, 
they must be educated to know that only strong collective action, such as is 
possible only through a noncompany union, is their one hope of betterment. The 
labor unions must get busy in the munitions shops, must organize the workers 
and force recognition from the companies. 

There is other educational work to be done among the munition workers, work 
that delivers a special challenge to organizations like the American League 
Against War and Fascism. The men must be made to understand what are the 



2206 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

real causes of war, how war favors only the interests of their employers and 
all other munitions manufacturers, how cheaply life is held in comparison with 
financial interests. They must be made to see what is their place, as men and 
as workers, ^n the war situation that is threatening us. It is up to the American 
League Against War and Fascism to see that these things are made clear to 
them. Nowhere is it more important for the League to send its organizers than 
among these men in whose hands lies so much power to aid or cripple war. And 
it is only through an unvarnished knowledge of what war is really about that 
they can be expected rightly to make their choice. 

Mr. Clakdy. I might suggest, Witness, that it is possible, is it not, 
that this name is no more nor less than an alias and that the person who 
actually wrote it may have received information from some spy or 
some Communist planted on the inside rather than having the infor- 
mation directly himself. 

Mr. Johnson. That is true. That may be an alias, and whoever 
the individual is who wrote it, it shows that he is not just an ordinary 
worker in a munitions plant, because an ordinary worker would not 
have that type of information available. He is either in a key sensi- 
tive spot in that plant, or he has an organization inside amassing and 
accumulating the information for such an article as that. 

Mr. Clardy. Of course there is still another possibility that just 
occurred to me. It is possible that the information could have come 
out of Government files, too, through some subterranean source ; is it 
not? 

Mr. Johnson. I do not think so, because in that article he poses as a 
munitions worker in a plant. 

Mr. Clardy. He may pose as that, but the facts he has about pro- 
duction and schedules and quantities and the other things you men- 
tion, and which I find in the article, are obviously things that would 
be embodied in contracts and in correspondence and in other data that 
would be available from the Government angle. I am just wonder- 
ing out loud if it is not possible that this nvdj be a compilation of 
information received from both Government sources and from the 
manufacturer sources and maybe from out in the plant, from a number 
of them. 

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; that is true, quite possible. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, was the program of the American 
League Against War and Fascism, which later changed its name to the 
American League for Peace and Democracy, actually promulgated by 
the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; it was. 

Mr. KuNziG. Would you tell us how you knew that, sir? 

Mr. Johnson. I know that it was promoted by the Communist 
Party because I sat in the higher circles of the Communist Party at 
the time when the formation of the organization was discussed, when 
its program was worked out by the political bureau of the Commu- 
ninst Party of the United States and presented to the first congress 
against war in the city of New York and approved by all the dele- 
gates present at that first congress. 

Mr. Clardy. What you mean is, you are talking about things you 
know at first hand and of your own knowledge ? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. I was a participant in it, not only 
as a party member, but also as a delegate to the first congress of the 
American League Against War and Fascism. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2207 

(Representative James B. Frazier, Jr., entered the hearing room 
at this point.) 

Mr. KuNziG. Do you have any further specific examples of what 
yon are telling us this morning. Mr. Johnson? 

Mr. JoiiNsox. Yes. I would like to oiler for the consideration of 
the committee the minutes of the Chicago Anti-War and Anti-Fascist 
Congress. 

Mr. KiTNZTo. What date? 

Mr. JoHxsox. The magazine is dated Xovemher 1934. 
IVIr. (^LARDY. What is the magazine? 

Mr. JoHxsox. The magazine Fight, in which as far back as 1934 
this fi-ont was used to infiltrate our Armed Forces, and actually had 
representatives of the Armed Forces both in our National Guard and 
also in our Regular Army, and that they participated in this congress 
in Chicago at which Dr. Harry F. Ward presided and in which a 
number of members of our clergy participated. 

Mr. Clardy. Pause a moment. You said that members of the 
Armed Forces were involved directly. 

Mr. JoHxsox. Yes, sir ; they were. I was present at that congi-ess 
in Chicago when these representatives of the National Guard and the 
United States Army appeared. They were brought up to the con- 
vention hall in cars and brought in through a rear entrance, and 
they wore masks over their faces, though they were in full dress 
uniform, and after they had made their speeches to the congress, 
they were hurriedly taken out of the hall and sped away in cars, 
so that the Government authorities could not discover their identity. 

Special precautions were taken to prevent anyone from getting 
close to them except those who were authorized to bring them to and 
take them from the congress hall. 

Mr. Clardy. These things you saw with your own eyes ? 

Mr. JoHXSOx. Yes, I did, because I was a delegate to the Chicago 
congress, and tliat was one of the national programs of the league, 
the infiltration of the Armed Forces, and this is what these ministers 
subscribed to. 

IVIr. Doyle. How do you knoAv they were members of the Armed 
Forces ? 

Mr. JoHxsox. They were introduced by Dr. Hari-y F. Ward, first, 
and secondly, they were dressed in the full regalia of men in the armed 
services. 

Mr. Doyle. If they wore masks 

Mr. Joiixsox. That was to conceal their faces. 

JN'Ir. Doyle. Were the masks black or white or red or what color? 

Mr. JoHxsox. I do not remember the color of the masks at this 
particular time, but I know they wore them. 

Mr. Doyle. What sort of masks were they ? 

Mr. JoHxsox. Masks that covered their faces. 

Mr. Doyle. Entirely, or were they hoods ? 

Mr. JoHxsoN. They were partial masks. 

Mr. Doyle. What do you mean by "partial masks"? 

Mr. JoHxsox. Well, a hood goes all the way over the head, falling 
over the shoulder. 

Mr. Doyle. Did all of them have masks? 

Mr. JoHxsox. Yes, those that spoke. 



2208 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE NEW YORK AREA 

Mr. Doyle. Were they all the same color ? 

Mr. Johnson. I do not know the colors. 

Mr. Doyle. Were they all the same color? 

Mr. Johnson. You mean the masks ? 

Mr. Doyle. Yes. 

Mr. Johnson. That is a detail I do not remember. 

Mr. Doyle. A rather important detail; is it not? Of course, it 
was many years ago. You could not be expected to remember every- 
thing. Did any of them appear on the platform that did not wear 
masks ? 

Mr. Johnson. No, none of them appeared on the platform that 
did not. 

Mr. Doyle. How many of them were there ? 

Mr. Johnson. There were a couple of them there. 

Mr. Doyle. How many of them? 

Mr. Johnson. There were several of them. 

Mr. Doyle. How many of them? 

Mr. Johnson. There were only 

Mr. Doyle. Wliat do you mean by "several"? The reason I am 
asking you this way, sir, is that you have made, I think, a very impor- 
tant statement. I am deliberately examining you to see the extent to 
which you remember what did happen for our record. 

Mr. Clardy. What the Congressman wants to know is, were there 
2 or 3 or half a dozen. 

Mr. Johnson. Well, they had a representative from the National 
Guard who was introduced to the congress by Dr. Harry F. Ward. 
This representative of the National Guard stated that he came as a 
]-epresentative of a group of guardsmen from four divisions of the 
National Guard of the United States, bringing greetings, and he said 
that he was carrying on work among the National Guard against 
fascism by organizing antistrikebreaking groups, and then he pledged 
to carry out all the decisions of the congress. 

After he made this speech there was tremendous applause, and Dr. 
Harry F. Ward asked that the speaker not be held up by prolonged 
applause, and then after that they introduced 

Mr. Frazier. Wait right there. You say this man had on a uni- 
form. Was it the uniform of an enlisted man or of a commissioned 
officer ? 

Mr. Thompson. He had the uniform of an enlisted man. 

Mr. Frazier. All right. 

Mr. KuNziG. To keep the record straight, what congress is this we 
are talking about ? 

Mr. Johnson. The congress of the American League Against War 
and Fascism held in Chicago. 

Mr. Doyle. May I ask this, was this man in uniform a Negro, or do 
3^ou not know ? I mean, don't you remember ? 

Mr. Johnson. My best recollection is that he was white. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, what State National Guard did he represent ? 

Mr. Johnson. They did not state what particular National Guard. 
He said he represented four divisions of the National Guard. Now, 
which ones he did not state specifically. 

Mr. Doyle. How many others spoke claiming that they were speak- 
ing for National Guards ? 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2209 

Mr. JoHNSOisr. Well, he was the only one who spoke for this group 
in the National Guard. The other spoke as a lieutenant in the Regular 
Army. 

Mr. DoTLE. Was he a Negro or what? 

Mr. Johnson. He was white. 

Mr. Doyle. Did he wear a mask, too? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, he wore a nuisk. 

j\[r. Doyle. What uniform? 

Mr. Johnson. He wore a uniform. 

Mr. Doyle. Of what? 

Mr. Johnson. Regular United States Army uniform. 

]Mr. Doyle. How did you identify him as a lieutenant ? 

Mr. Johnson. I not only identified him by his uniform, but he was 
identified by Harry F. Ward as a lieutenant in the Regular Army, and 
he was so identified in the minutes of the Chicago congress as a lieuten- 
ant in the United States Army. 

Mr. Doyle. Now that is two men that spoke. How many others ? 

Mr. FR.VZIER. They did not give his name at any time? 

Mr. Johnson. They did not give his name. They were very careful 
to conceal the identity, the race, and the nationality of the persons 
who spoke. 

JNIr. Doyle. That was two men you have mentioned speaking. Are 
there any others ? 

Mr. Johnson. Well, I wish first to mention the testimony, the 
speech of this lieutenant. 

Mr. Doyle. Can you just answer 1 or 2 more questions, and that will 
give me the picture of the kind of a scene you were in. That is what I 
am getting at. 

Mr. Clakdy. I agree with you. May I interrupt to point out that 
this was reported, however, in the magazine called Fight afterward, 
so that they have here something we are going to put in the record 
in the form of an exhibit. 

Go ahead. 

Mr. Doyle. How many? Were there more tlian two that spoke? 

Mr. Johnson. There were only two who spoke. 

Mr. Clardy. You mean two from the services ? 

Mr. Johnson. Two from the services. 

As far as the military men were concerned, I do not know if there 
were more military men present in the hall or not. I only know of 
those that were presented to us and introduced to us as speakers for 
the group, both in the Army and in the National Guard. 

Mr. Clardy. You mean by that, they may have been present either 
in or out of uniform in the audience, but you do not know about it? 

Mr. Johnson. No ; that is correct. 

Mr. Doyle. Then these two are the only people that came up in 
automobiles and entered the back door and left the same way ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes. I wouldn't say that they were the only ones, but 
they were the only ones that I knew of personally. 

Mr. Doyle. How many automobiles brought the two? 

Mr. Johnson. Well, I understand that there was more than one 
automobile because this matter was discussed with us in the Communist 
Party fraction, though I was not an actual participant in the arrange- 
ments for the bringing in of the military men and their taking them 
away, but in the fraction that was held it was discussed that every 



2210 CO]\IMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

precaution must be taken to safeguard the identity of these members 
of the Armed Forces and that these arrangements were actually made 
and actually carried out. After this meeting I discussed the matter 
with some of the others who were present, members of the Chicago 
district of the Communist Party, ajid they said to me that they had 
carried out those plans successfully and boasted of the fact that they 
were able to keep their identity from the FBI and other interested 
agents. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, thank you for answering. 

Mr. Clardy. Do you have the magazine you wish to have marked, 
Mr. Counsel? 

Mr. KuNziG. Yes, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Clardy. Give me the date again on that magazine. 

Mr. KuNziG. The date is November 1934. 

I have here the document containing 2 or 3 paragraphs of material 
which I believe are important for this record, Mr. Chairman, and 
T request that this material be incorporaetd into the record at this 
point. 

Mr. Clardy. Miss Reporter, will you copy exactly the part marked, 
and instead of offering this as an exhibit,' Counsel, I think we will 
shorten the record by having just the pertinent portion from this 1934 
document copied in the record at this point. 

(The material referred to is as follows :) 

[From Fight magazine, March 1934] 

National Guard 

(By a member of the 212th Coast Artillery Antiaircraft) 

With more than ordinary interest many of ii.s in the National Guard are 
watching the intensified war preparations. This is evidenced by the increased 
discussions among the men about the events in the Far East and in Europe. 

(Picture captioned: "National Guard Machine Gun Unit Pointing the Deadlv 
End of a Machine Gun During the Recent Strike in the Bituminous Area of 
Pennsylvania.") 

Battery and company rooms, before and after drill, are turned into forums. 
Each squad of enlisted men, in the degree of its political development dis- 
cusses the coming war interestedly. In the viewpoints expressed I have noticed 
that many are anxious for war, but a great majority, mainly the unemployed 
and the factory workers, are fundamentally opposed. 

In such a specializ-d arm of the Army as the 212th Coast Artillery Anti- 
aircraft Regiment, preparations for war are noticeable. This regiment' which 
will form the basis, in time of war, for the training of thousands of gunners 
among^ the dratted civilians, is bPing constantly perfected for aerial com- 
bat. Though ostensibly for protecting ammunition dumps, aviation bases, and 
strategic positions, developing motorization is pointing to the use of this regi- 
ment as an arm of attack. Mounted on trucks with a speed averaging seventy- 
five miles an liour, and at lower speeds doing rapid artillery fire, the regiment at- 
tains great mobility and firing accuracy. The antiaircraft guns have been 
synchronized with sound apparatus and equipped with searchlights capable of 
throwing a hundred-mile beam. Actual war maneuvers every year at the 
camp in Oswego, New York, which every man must attend even at the risk of 
losing his job, demonstrate the developing eflSciency. 

FASCIST PROPAGANDA 

Moving pictures are used now to interest the men in scientific warfare. 
Prizes are awarded for gun efficiency. Prowar pep talks are dished out at 
every opportunity by the officers. An officer caste is building a military discipline 
on lines similar to the German Imperial Army. Court-martials are on the in- 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2211 

crease, with heavy lines for even mi nor offense's the general rule. Mere boys 
are bein^ hurriedly enlisted and trained. In the new butch of recruits 17 is 
the average a.ue. Radically incliir.'d soldiers are inunediately discharged. 
Fascism is encouraged, many of the officers being leaders in Italian and German 
Fascist organizations. 

The men are not accepting this state of nffairs docilely. In camp, strikes 
against poor l«:<id break out with great frequency. With great coui'age and 
militancy the enlisted men organize and expose the corrupt grafting practices of 
the officers who come back from camp evei*y year much richer than they 
went. Many of the mutinous leaders, for these struggles are called "mutinies," 
are marked already for tlie firing squad when war is declared. The pay for 
drill, originally one dollar, is about lifty cents now. 'faxes and assessments 
re'luce this still more. The resentment against the pay cut is mounting and 
talks of strike are constantly lieard in the company rooms. 

REACH THE NATIONAL GUARD 

The National Guardsman knows that he is the first to be called in time of 
War. He is also conscious of the fact now, that he is used in breaking strikes. 
Many are being enlisted and trained in Fascist gangs. However, anti-War and 
anti-Fascist proijaganda, when it reaches him, falls on particularly fertile 
ground. Special attention must be paid to reaching the National Guardsmen, 
In New York there are twenty-six thousand of them. In almost every state 
there are many regiments of these soldiers. Before Roosevelt was elected Presi- 
dent, Congress appropriated 300 million dollars for the Guard. Now this 
amount has increased tremendously. Exact information is rarely printed in 
the press. The New York National Guardsman, an official organ of the War 
Department which is distributed without charge among the men, is the pros- 
titute press of the American warmongers. 

Anti-War publications and literature must reac'i the National Guardsmen. 
In the armories and in the homes of the men and ia their shops there must be 
a ceaseless barrage of political education. The National Guardsman is a po- 
tential Anti-War and Anti-Fascist fiehter. 

('Fi^ht magazine, November 1934:) 

A Representative From the National Guard. As a representative of a group 
of Guardsmen from four divisions of the National Guard of the United States, 
I bring you greetings. [Applause.] We are carrying on work among the Na- 
tional Guard against Fascism by organizing anti-strikebreaking groups. We 
pledge our full support to carry out all the decisions of this Congress. 
[Applause and Cheering.] 

Chairman Ward. Please don't delay this part of the program by prolonged 
applause. We are now to hear from a first lieutenant of the regular United 
States Army. 

First Lieutenant, U. S. Army. The troops of this area have just completed 
in Camp Custer, Michigan, War maneuvers on a larger scale than since the 
last AVar. The reserve officers of this area have worked out all the details of 
their mobilization plans, while training has been intensified here. For the 
machines of destruction the capitalist pay dearly, but to the general staff, the 
lives of the workers are cheap. Our participation in this Congress is our mili- 
tant answer to these preparations. [Great Applause and Demonstration.] 

Mr. KuNziG. Have you any further explicit examples, Mr. 
Johnson ? 

Mr, Johnson, Yes, 

Mr, Clardt, Before you pass to that, I think it important to ask a 
few questions about the significance of this. 

As I understand it, Dr, Harry Ward was presiding and carrying 
on the program at this meeting. Am I correct in that ? 

Mr, Johnson, That is correct. 

Mr, Clakdy, What part did he play behind the scenes in setting 
up the agenda for the meeting ? 

33909 — .5.3 — pt. 8 2 



2212 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Mr. Johnson. He met with the top leadership in the Communist 
Party fraction prior to the opening of the congress, at which time all 
of the final technical arrangements were made insofar as this matter 
was concerned. 

Mr. Clardy. You have identified him in this record prior to this time 
as a member of the party. Is there any possibility that at the time 
these arrangements were being made in advance of the meeting — was 
there any possibility that he did not know this was a Communist 
projects 

Mr. Johnson. It was utterly impossible for him not to know because 
it was discussed with him in advance prior to their coming. He, as 
chairman of the congi'ess, had to be informed with regard to all of 
these actions prior to them. 

Mr. Clardy. Was he, to your knowledge, acquainted with the others 
on this sort of steering committee or arrangements committee? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, he was; he was so informed by Earl Browder 
and others of this particular action itself. 

Mr. Clardy. Were those people with whom he had some personal 
acquaintance so that he would naturally know that they were Com- 
munists ? 

Mr, Johnson. Yes ; because Earl Browder and Dr. Hari-y F. Ward 
belonged to the same party and the same Communist Party fraction 
within the American League Against War and Fascism. 

Mr. Clardy. So that there could be no possible doubt about the fact 
that Dr. Ward knew that he was promoting and helping along a Com- 
munist-inspired meeting ? 

Mr. Johnson. That is right. There is no doubt about that. 

Mr. Doyle. What year was this? 

Mr. Johnson. That was in 1934 in Chicago when the convention was 
held — when the congress was held. 

Mr. Clardy. Witness, in the New York hearing you introduced or 
presented to us a list of ministers who were active in this league, in 
this movement. 

Would you say that the ministers on that list were also interested 
in the promotion and carrying on of this particular meeting? 

Mr. Johnson. I would say that all of them were interested in pro- 
moting the progi'am — the program of the American League Against 
War and Fascism and the American League for Peace and Democracy. 

^Ir. Doyle. May I ask right there, as I did not have the benefit 
of hearing your testimony in New York, do we have any outline of 
the objectives of these two leagues you are talking of, any document 
which shows that 

Mr. KuNziG. That is all in the record. 

Mr. Clardy. Yes, Mr. Doyle; that has been gone into. 

Mr. Frazier. Were any of these other ministers that you have listed 
in previous testimony present at that congress, to your knowledge? 

Mr. Johnson. Some of them were and some of them attended other 
congresses. You see, they had other congresses between 1933 and 1939. 

Mr. Frazier. Can you tell us which ones were there ? 

Mr. Johnson. The list of ministers that I gave covered the entire 
period of activity in the Communist front, and I did not identify them 
according to congresses or according to years because that would be a 
tremendous job, and I as a witness could not do that in the time 
allotted. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2213 

Mr. Doyle. How many years are in that period ? 

Mr. Johnson. That is between 1933 and 1939, the entire life of the 
organization. 

Mr. Clardy. It is possible, is it not. Witness, that some of the 
exhibits already presented in the record will tie certain ministers into 
certain meetings so that by caref nl investigation and checking we could 
find at least the identity of some of them, even though w^e would not 
find it as to all of them ? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. 

Mr. KuNziG. Do you have any further specific examples, Mr. 
Johnson ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; I have in my hand an article, Wliat's My Choice, 
by Al Hamilton in Fight magazine, March 1935. Al Hamilton is 
chairman of Social Action, National Council of Methodist Youth. I 
wish to quote only two paragraphs. 

Mr. Clardy. Let us read them. 

Mr. Doyle. Wliat date is this, and what are you reading from ? 

]Mr. Johnson. Fight magazine. 

Mr. Doyle. What date ? 

Mr. Johnson. The official organ of the American League against 
War and Fascism, March 1935. 

Mr. Doyle. Where was he when he is said to have said what you 
are going to read, or is that an article ? 

Mr. Johnson. He was chairman of Social Action, National Council 
of Methodist Youth. 

Mr. Clardy. "Wliat you are about to read is an article he contributed 
to the magazine ? 

Mr. Johnson. An article he contributed to the magaz;ine Fight. 

Mr. Clardy. All right, proceed. 

Mr. Johnson. Al Hamilton states : 

For some time certain true spiritual forces of the church and the economic 
forces in the present-day society have been moving in opposite directions, and 
to the extent that these religious groups move along the road toward a just 
economic system, toAvard true democracy of those who produce and toward a war- 
less world, by so much will they find themselves coming more and more in direct 
opposition with the state. Sincere and intelligent Christians are faced with a 
choice, support of the church's struggle for social justice and peace or military 
state, speaking for the dominant economic group in a capitalist society. 

What does this mean? Perhaps it means that the struggle for freedom and 
the struggle for peace must be realized outside the arena of the courts. If the 
courts as well as government have become merely the voice of nationalism and 
the process of human exploitation existing today, then the realm of constructive 
accomplishment appears to be in the field of economic change combined with 
organization to hinder and stop the workings of the war machine. If this is 
true, the Christian must begin to aid in the organization of workers, students, 
and intellectuals for fundamental economic change and for effective action to 
stop the functioning of the totalitarian state. Thus the Christian today must 
choose between the conscientious loyalty to the best in society, loyalty to those 
who will pay the price of another war, the workers, the students and professionals 
or subjection to the will of the state that has become merely the expression of 
the profit system, unable to maintain itself except by war. 

Mr. Clardy. Let us suspend the hearing until we have reported to 
the floor.^ 

(Whereupon, at 11 : 38 a. m., the hearing recessed until 1 : 30 p. m. 
of the same day.) 



1 Floor of the U. S. House of Representatives. 



2214 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

AFTERNOON SESSION 

(At the hour of 1 : 30 p. m., of the same day, the proceedings were 
resumed, Representatives Kit Clardy (presiding) and Clyde Doyle 
being present.) 

Mr. Clardy. The hearing will resume. 

Are you ready, Mr. Counsel ? 

Mr. KuNziG. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Clardy. Proceed. 

TESTIMONY OF MANNING JOHNSON— Resumed 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, from your personal experience, and I 
would like to emphasize for you to the best of your ability to keep your 
testimony to your personal experience, what are the methods of in- 
filtration and subversion in the religious organizations used by the 
Communist's ? 

Mr. Johnson, Well, I can best answer that by calling your atten- 
tion to an article published in the magazine International Youth, the 
official organ of the executive committee of the Young Communist 
International, with headquarters in Moscow. The article was written 
by Gilbert Green. Gilbert Green was for years a member of the 
national committee of the Young Communist League of the United 
States; he was a member of the Young Communist International 
Executive Committee; he was one of the officials of the American 
Youth Congress ; he was a member of the central committee or national 
committee of the Communist Party; a member of the Political Bureau 
of the Communist Party, and is now a fugitive Communist wanted by 
the Federal Government for violation of the Smith Act. 

Mr. KuNziG. He was one of the original men tried in the first Com- 
munist trial known as the Medina trial, is that correct? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. 

Mr. Clardy. He is one of the original 12, which is now reduced to 
and is known as the 11 ? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. 

Mr. KuNziG. Well, would you give the general content of this 
article, then, to the subcommittee, Mr. Johnson, and as you do that 
would you fix the date of the article that you refer to ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I will. The date of this article is in 1935, and the 
reason why I call this to your attention is that the major plot to take 
over the religious organizations was really hatched during that par- 
ticular period, and the fact tliat the Communists in headlines in the 
Daily Worker can boast of 2,300 Protestant ministers supporting them 
is the result of this part that began back in the thirties when I was a 
member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. KuNziG. Twenty-three hundred people supporting them in 
what? 

Mr. Johnson. Twenty-three hundred clergymen have talks with 
Eisenhower for clemency for the Rosenbergs. 

Mr. Clardy. That refers, does it not, to a petition or a series of 
petitions that were circulated in which it is alleged that the 2,300 joined 
in seeking clemency for the Rosenbergs ? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2215 

Mr. KuNziG. JNIr. Chairman, I have a photostatic copy of the front 
page of the Daily Worker from Tuesday, Fobniary 17, 195?>, in my 
hand. It is marked "]\rannin<r Johnson Exhibit No. 19," and I should 
like to offer this into evidence at this time. 

Mr. Clardy. It will be received. 

(The photostatic coi)y of the front paj^e of the Daily Worker, Tues- 
day, February 17, 195;5, ])reviously marked "Manning Johnson Ex- 
hibit 19"" for identification was received in evidence as Manning 
Johnson exhibit No. 19.) 

Manning Johnson ExHiBrr No. 19 

(Daily Worker, February 17, 1953, pp. 1 and G) 

Twenty-three Hundred Clergymen Ask Talks With Eisenhower 

DEIATH date SET FOR WEEK OP MARCH 9 

(By Carl Hirsoh) 

Chicago, February 16.— Spokesmen for 2,300 clergymen who have sent a special 
plea to President Eisenhower to reconsider the appeal for clemency in the Rosen- 
berg case today awaited a reply from the White House on their request to speak 
to the President personally on the case. Dr. Bernard M. Loonier, dean of the 
University of Chicago Divinity School, forwarded the new appeal to Eisen- 
hower which "earnestly questions the political and spiritual wisdom of the 
sentence" of death against Julius and Ethel Rosenberg. 

A group of leading churchmen who signed the appeal are ready to go to Wash- 
ington at a moment's notice, said Dean Loonier. 

Following is the text of the letter signed by Dean Loomer which Eisenhower 
received yesterday : 

"I urge you to reconsider your refusal to commute the death sentence of Julius 
and Ethel Rosenberg. 

"Together with nearly 2,300 other clergymen, I signed a letter asking for 
 executive clemencJ^ We assume that our letter is included in the material pre- 
pared for your attention by the Justice Department. 

"Our unaffiliated group represents an important segment of the Christian clergy 
of this country. Among us are members of 28 communions and citizens of all 
48 States, the District of Columl)ia, the Territories of Alaska, Hawaii, and the 
Canal Zone and the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. 

"Many of the signers are spiritual and executive leaders in their respective 
denominations. Included are presidents, deans and professors of numerous 
theological schools and colleges and important members of interdenominational 
organizations. All of us, as pastors, are in intimate touch with our people; it is 
fair to conclude that our opposition to the death sentence is shared by a much 
larger number of conservative and thoughtful citizens. 

"It is difficult in a short letter to convey adequately the sense of the considera- 
tions which led us to make our original appeal. Certainly one major considera- 
tion is the fact that the Rosenberg case has become an occasion that catches up 
within itself all kinds of attitudes, forces, and movements which are operating 
within our society. 

"For this reason, we suggest that the Rosenberg case cannot be looked at 
simply in terms of itself. For this reason, the death sentence in this instance is 
an indication of our national weakness rather than our national strength. It is 
a reflection of our own growing hysteria, fear and insecurity. 

"When looked at in this symbolic way, the death sentence itself further reduces 
the range of our freedom to think and act. It contributes to a paralysis of critical 
thought; It furthers the mood of suppression that becomes increasingly charac- 
teristic of our way of life. 

"We are not questioning the justice of the trial, but we earnestly question the 
political and spiritual wisdom of the sentence. 

"Surely we as a country are strong enough to endure the kind of tension in- 
volved in the Rosenberg case. 

"Since this is an inadequate summary of our views, I respectfully ask on behalf 
•of all of the signers that you grant an appointment at which some of our number 



2216 COIVIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

can present to you personally the considerations which moved us to join in a 
common plea for mercy." 

Mr. Doyle. I suggest to the witness that you give us the month and 
the date and the vohnne or the number of that magazine. You said 
in 1935, but you have, apparentlj^, the magazine in your hands. What 
is the montli ? 

Mr. Johnson. This International Youth, vohnne 2, March 1935, 
No. 1. 

Mr. Clardy. Now, witness, may I interrupt you just a minute here, 
because it can't be too definite in this record when we are talking about 
something as serious and as deadly as this. 

I note tliat in the article which has now been put in the record and 
marked "Exhibit 19," it mentions a Dr. Bernard Loomer, L-o-o-m-e-r, 
as dean of the University of Chicago Divinity School, and it makes 
it appear that Dr. Loomer had been speaking for the entire 2,300. 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. 

Mr. Clardy. Now, my question is, do you have any knowledge of 
or about Dr. Loomer ? 

Mr. Johnson. I pereonally do not know him as a member of the 
Communist Party during the period of my membership. 

Mr. Clardy. But I note that he is the one quoted as having acted 
as the spokesman for the group. I wonder if you can tell me some- 
thing about how these things are worked or operated, because he says 
here, and I am quoting from it, "Together — " and I am quoting his 
words — 

Together with nearly 2,300 other clergymen, I signed a letter asking for 
executive clemency. 

Now, that is the end of the quote. 

Mr. KuNziG. That is as regards the Rosenbergs. 

Mr. Clardy. That is right, what we are talking about. 

Now, is that the normal and standard procedure they use, to get the 
clergyman to sign individual letters, or maybe several of them sign 
1 letter and put them in their files and have 1 spokesman step forward 
and speak for all of them ? 

]Mr. Johnson, It is customary for them to solicit the opinion of 
clergymen all over the country and get them to subscribe to such a 
petition, and on the strength of their agreement, their names are 
recorded as supporting the specific action. That is how they have 
always over the years gotten their sponsors and their advocates. 

Mr. Clardy. Dr. Bella Dodd, Avhen appearing before us, told us at 
some length about hoAV this mechanism was built up and put into 
operation, and as she described it, they built up what counsel described 
this morning as a sucker list of clergymen and others of good repute 
about the Nation who could be easily inveigled into signing a thing 
of this kind. Would you say that is an accurate description of the 
way it actually worked ? 

Mr. Johnson. That is an accurate description of how this works. 
They approach every person that they have had at one time or another 
on various Communist-front organizations and present the proposi- 
tion to them and get their agreement. You will find if you check 
the records of the Congressional Un-American Activities Committee, 
(here are listed the numerous fronts over the period of years that the 
Communist Party has formed and operated which Lenin called the 



COMMUNIST ACTR^TIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2217 

solar system of organizations, including the names of many clerg}^men 
who liave at one time or another been on Communist-front lists. 

Mr. Doyle. I noticed this, that as the witness mentioned the name 
of Dr. Loomer, he specified that he did not know him as a Communist. 
Do you remember doing that ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes; 1 said during the period of my membership. 

IMr. Doyle. All right. Now, I want to urge that as far as I am 
concerned on the committee, I want you to be \evj careful never to 
name a person as a Communist unless you are willing under oath to 
be able to prove it. In other words, I think that every person named 
as a Communist by a M'itness, whether it is you or any other witness, 
ought never to be mentioned as a Communist unless the witness per- 
sonally knows that, and therefore I want to compliment you on testi- 
fying that you never knew that man, whom I have never heard of 
before because you sj^ecified that you did not know him as a Commu- 
nist. I want to compliment you on doing that, and I hope that in all 
your testimony if you do not know a man to be a Communist, you 
will specify him as not a Communist to your own personal knowl- 
edge. The other thing is this, though: I want to ask along the line 
of your statement about the Daily Worker 

Mr. Clardy. May 1 interrupt you to add something to what you 
said ? 

Mr. Doyle. Yes, indeed. 

Mr. Clardy. It was because the witness did not even mention the 
doctor, except by indirection by pushing that exhibit 19 in front of 
us, that I was impelled to ask him if he knew him, because I did not 
want even the exhibit to reflect the name of someone as a Communist, 
as it conceivably might, if the witness in fact did not know that he 
was such, so that is why I asked him the question, and he very fairly 
said he did not. 

]\Ir. Doyle. That is very good, and I wanted to emphasize that I 
thought it was good that you specified. 

Now, as to whether or not these alleged 2,300 other clergymen which 
this Dr. Loomer refers to — did they sign anything to your personal 
knowledge ^ 

Mr. Johnson. Not according to my personal knowledge, because 
I was not a member of that organization. I was only speaking of the 
fact that in the Daily Woiker they had mentioned 2,300 clergymen, 
and I think it is of concern to the American people if it is true that the 
Connnunists have 2,300 of our clergy who administer to the souls of 
men daily in our churches. 

Mr. Clardy. Witness, referring again to exhibit 19, as I understand 
it, this is no more nor less than a page or a copy, photostatic copy, of 
the Daily Worker for February 17 of this year. You are not here 
contending that you know whether or not there are 2.300 clergymen 
who actually signed the petition ? 

Mr. Johnson. No ; I am not making such a claim. 

]Mr. Clardy. You are not here making any claim that you know 
whether any one or all of the 2,300 are members of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Johnson. I am not making such a claim. 

INIr. Clardy. All you are contending or setting forth is the fact 
that the Daily Worker claims that 2,300 ministers signed the peti- 
tion of clemency for the Rosenbergs, am I right ? 



2218 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Mr. Johnson". That is correct. 

Mr. Clardy. And that if these 2,300 did sign it, and it can be 
shown that they did sign it, the most that it would establish would 
be that the Communist F'arty may have either directly or indirectly 
induced that many to do something. 

Mr. Johnson. That is right. 

Mr. Doyle. You used the term "minister." 

Mr. Clardy. I should have said 

Mr. Doyle. The minister may be entirely different from a clergy- 
man. 

Mr. Clardy. In my book a minister covers the ganuit, and so there 
be no misunderstandings, I meant all the faiths. 

Mr. Doyle. All right. Of course, of your own knowledge, in view 
of your answer, you do not know whether or not any of these clergy- 
men are members of faiths other tlian Protestant, do you? 

Mr. Johnson. I do not know what denominations they are because 
I have not seen the list. I am merely stating that on the basis of my 
knowledge and experience wliile in the Communist Party the Com- 
munist Party made serious efforts to enlist clergymen in their activi- 
ties to give it a cloak of religious respectability, and that this con- 
spiracy began not yesterday, but a number of years ago, and over the 
course of years they have made deeper and deeper inroads in the re- 
ligious field that I am reluctant to discount the possibility of them 
actually having 2,300 clergymen. 

Mr. DoYixE. When they solicit these men who are clergymen do 
they do it by mail ? For instance, would they have some representa- 
tive of the Communist Party or the Daily Worker solicit these people 
in the different cities personally and submit a written form or some- 
thing to them, or would they write them a letter and say that here is 
a sample of a petition? How would they function? Because pre- 
sumably those 2,300 or any number would be in different parts of the 
country. 

Mr. Johnson. When I was a member of the Communist Party and 
a front organization was formed by the Communist Party, the polit- 
bureau organized a subcommittee to be responsible for getting a list 
of sponsors. They were approached individually by telephone con- 
versation, and some by correspondence, and on the strength of their 
reply their names were put on a list of sponsors of a given front 
organization. 

Mr. Clardy. Would it be fair to say that it was not necessarily 
true that they recruited those people into the party, but merely used 
them for the purpose of some particular petition or action that was 
under way ? 

Mr. Johnson. They used them to give a respectable front to the 
particular activity in which the Communist Party wished to engage 
at that particular time. 

Mr. Doyle. Then as I understood your answer a minute ago, part 
of their procedure would be that they would appoint a committee in 
a big city like Los Angeles, Boston, San Francisco, or New York, 
who would personally interview a clergyman, either directly face 
to face or over the telephone, and submit the subject matter of whether 
or not he would approve a petition for clemency to the President in- 
volving the Rosenbergs, and then this committee would report what- 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2219 

ever they felt they slioiild report after having a converation with this 
given clergyman, is tliat right? 

Mr. Johnson. Well, I would put it this way — I would say this, that 
the committee would be set up by the political bureau of the Commu- 
nist Party to organize a list of sponsors on a national scale. The 
Communist Party is a national organization in scope. We are speak- 
ing specifically of America. If we want to speak of it in its worldwide 
aspect, they can say it is international in scope with its headquarters 
in Moscow. Through their agents or through their operatives in 
every city througliout the country tliey approach the persons that 
they want on these different front organizations, and when they have 
compiled the complete list, then it is put on letterheads or other propa- 
ganda material and circulated. 

These lists of sponsors give the Communist- front organization a 
cloak of respectability. The more ministers they get on it, the more 
respectable it is because the majority of the American people believe 
in Cuod. They believe in the church, and when a member of the church 
endorses an organization or a movement, the people are susceptible to 
believe in it. 

Mr. Doyle. Of course I do not mean to interrupt you, but we do not 
need any argument to agree with you on that. We will stipulate to 
that, but what I am trying to get at. Witness, is the method by which 
the clerg3^men in the country are solicited. In other words, they 
would be solicited, then, by representatives of the Communist Party 
or Communist fronts orally, would they not? 

The other way would be by correspondence. 

Mr. Johnson. Through correspondence and through contact with 
sympathizers and fellow travelers and party members among the 
clergymen. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, that helps me understand. 

Mr. Clardy. Bella Dodd testified, if you remember, Congressman 
Doyle, that after they once had a man go along with one of these 
petitions or some other movement, they put him on the sucker list, and 
thereafter they would usually send him a telegram telling him briefly 
what it was they wanted his further support on and relied on getting 
a telegram back to 

Mr. Doyle. The thing I wanted to know was whether or not in a list 
like this it would mean that 2,300 or any hundred would necessarily 
have signed anything, and I take it from the witness' testimony that 
they need not have actually signed the thing, even a letter, authorizing 
the use of their names. It might have been by oral solicitation at the 
grassroots. 

Mr. Clardy. This particular one, Mr. Doyle, tries to make it appear 
that these 2,300 signed a letter of some sort. I think it would be 
extremely interesting, therefoie, to find out whether they are accurate 
in that statement of whether what I suspect is the truth, that it was the 
method you outline. 

Mr. Doyle. Thank you very much. 

Mr. KuNZiG. Now, Mr. Johnson, sometime ago we started talking 
about the factor of a certain document in front of you entitled "Inter- 
national of Youth," and we were discussing other matters relative to 
that since that time. You were about to discuss what in that docu- 
ment showed the methods of infiltration and subversion in religious 
organizations by Communists. 



2220 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Mr. Johnson. Yes. I want to read just two quotations from an 
article by the fugitive Communist, Gilbert Green, 
From his article I quote: "Full Speed Ahead." 
He states, and I quote : 

The second aspect of the problem of achieving working-class leadership over 
this broad united-front movement is that of worlv in the present mass organiza- 
tions of American youth. We know that the youth workers are not to be found 
as yet in the majority in strictly class organizations. The trade unions, unem- 
ployed organizations, and cultural workers' organizations as yet include only a 
small i^ercentage of the organized young workers. The vast majority of the 
American young workers and youth generally are organized, but in organizations 
directly or indirectly controlled or influenced by the ruling class. These organi- 
zations are the Y's, settlement and community houses, church organizations, 
amateur athletic unions, etc. It is precisely in these organizations where we 
must work to win the youth for a working-class program and leadership ; not 
only the young workers but also the farming and student youth. 

The second quotation is : 

While in most districts the major problem is to send the bulk of our members 
into these organizations of the youth, in some places the problem is to reorganize 
the work of our present league so as to give leadership to our comrades already 
in these organizations. For example, in the South we have more than 300 mem- 
bers who are also members of church youth organizations, especially the Baptist 
Young People's Union. In this district (Alabama) the problem confronting the 
leadership is to completely change the organizational structui-e of the league. 
Where possible we should build shop units and everywhere else units in the 
church youth organizations. Wliy? Because in the South, especially for the 
Negro youth, the church is the center of all cultural and social activity. It is 
here that we must work. By building our units in the church organizations, we 
can also improve our work under the legal conditions, as it will be easier to work 
in the church organizations. In Alabama there are certain places in which we 
can in a short time take over the church organizations of youth under our leader- 
ship, and these can become legal covers for our work in the South. 

In other words, as far back as 1935 the Communist Party youth 
section was forming secret cells in the church organizations, and they 
had grown to proportions in this particular section of the country so 
that they would be able at any time to take over the church organi- 
zations of youth. 

Mr. Clardy, Witness, in connection with that, this was dated back 
a number of years, as I recall it. 

Mr, Johnson, This specific date was March 1935, 

Mr, Clardy. You were with the party for about 5 years after that ? 

Mr, Johnson. That is right, 

Mr, Clardy, Would you say that the predictions that were made 
there as to the possibilities actually worked out, or did not work out? 

Mr, Johnson, Yes ; they did work out, 

Mr, Clardy, Were you sufficiently close to the scene to have some 
intimate inside knowledge of how they did work out ? 

Mr. Johnson, Yes. On the strength of the reports of Gilbert Green 
to the meetings of the national committee with regard to the work 
of the Young Communist League in the South, he pointed out that 
they met with unusual success in working through the religious youth 
organizations in the South. 

This success, he stated, was due to the fact that they could use the 
church as a cover to carry out the program of national liberation for 
the Negro in the South. I might explain that by national liberation 
I mean the program of revolt of the Negroes in the South and the 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2221 

establishment of an independent Negro republic separate and apart 
from the rest of the United States. 

Mr, Clardy. Tliere has been some testimony in past years before 
the committee on that, as I understand it, and you are probably fa- 
miliar Avith that testimony, and j^ou are adding your weight of your 
own knowledge to those prior statements that such was actually con- 
templated? 
Mr. Johnson. That is right. 

Mr. Doyle. In answering the chairman a moment ago you re- 
peated the testimony of Green. You gave nothing of your own per- 
sonal knowledge except that you heard him make certain statements, 
and that is only hearsay. What do you know of your ow^n personal 
knowledge of any incident or place where the Communist young ])eo- 
ple took over a religious organization? That is. I think, what Mr. 
Clardy referred to. I am going into that because I want it accurate. 
Mr. Johnson. May I state here that when Gilbert Green makes a 
report for the National Bureau of the Young Comnninist League to 
the enlarged National Executive Committee of the Young Commu- 
nist League of x\merica, and when such a report is made in the Inter- 
national of Youth which is the official organ of the Young Com- 
munist Youth International, this is no longer hearsay. This is an 
actual fact, and what is published in here is published for the train- 
ing and enlightenment in tactics and methods of work for every 
Communist Party leader, not only in America, but throughout the 
world. 

Mr. Doyle. Grant that, Mr. Johnson. In other words, I will not 
grant that whatever the Communist leaders report is factual. You 
see, I want to stress to you this: This committee cannot take as a 
matter of fact — I mean, an actual existing fact — what Green reports 
to a Communist convention. That is only his report. 
What we are after is your own personal knowledge. 
Now, these documents are valuable, that is true, because they show 
methods, and they show processes, and they show what the Communist 
Party claims it did. I am not discounting the value of those, Mr. 
Clardy, you realize that. 
Mr. Clardy. I understand that. 

Mr. Doyle. And I do not want the witness to think that I am dis- 
counting the value of these documents, because they are very valuable, 
but you see, witness, we cannot as a congressional committee just agree 
that because Green gives a report that it is actually true. 

Mr. Johnson. When the Communists say that they are for the 
overthrow of the Government of the United States, you cannot say 
that is hearsay ; that they aim to take over a country and Sovietize it, 
you cannot say that is hearsay. 
Mr. KuNziG. Off the record. 
(Discussion off the record.) 

Mr. Cl.\rdy. Put it into the record and mark it as "Manning Johnson 
Exhibit No. 20," those marked portions of the document now being 
tendered and marked on the outside as "Exhibit 20," and what will be 
received. 

(The marked portion of the document referred to was received in 
evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 20.) 



2222 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 20 

(International of Youth, March 1935, pp. 25 and 26.) 

Full Speed Ahead 

By Gilbert Green 

^ ***** * 

Importance of Our Work in Mass Youth Organizations 

The second aspect of the problem of achieving working-class leadership over 
this broad united-front movement, is that of work in the present mass organiza- 
tions of American youth. We know tliat the young workers are not to be found 
as yet in the majority in strictly class organizations. The trade unions, unem- 
ployed, and cultural workers' organizations as yet include only a small percentage 
of the organized young workers. The vast majority of American young workers 
and youth generally are organized, but in organizations directly or indirectly 
controlled or influenced by the ruling class. These organizations are the Y's, 
Settlement and Community Houses, Church Organizations, Amateur Athletic 
Union, etc. It is precisely in these organizations where we must work to win 
the youth for a working-class program and leadership — not only the young work- 
ers, but also the farming and student youth. 

Work in these organizations today is a life-and-death question which will 
greatly determine the outcome of the whole youth congress movement. Many 
of our comrades in the last months have learned to speak in terms of hundreds 
of thousands of youth involved in the youth congress movement. But let us not 
fool ourselves. Certainly the movement is broad, but these hundreds of thou- 
sands of youth do not as yet know about the congress program and are not actively 
mobilized to fight for same. 

Experience has also taught us that the leaders of these organizations are not 
going to draw their memberships into such active participation. And further, 
if pressure is put on them to withdraw from the movement, many of them may 
even do so. The guarantee that these wide masses will remain in the united 
front and actively struggle for its program, depends upon our work in the local 
branches of these organizations, how we bring the program of the youth congress 
to these members and draw them into struggle for the realization of same. 

How prepared are we for this task? In Michigan the Youth Congress repre- 
sents oOO.OOU organized youth. In this district our whole Y. C. L. has but 19 
members in the mas;^ organizations influenced by the ruling class. Can this 
small handful of comrades succeed in mobilizing tJiese masses for the Youth 
Congress program despite the position of the leaders of these organizations? 

The situation in Detroit is more glaring because of the broad character of the 
Youth Congress, but it is essentially the same in all the districts. This makes 
necessary a drastic radical reorganization of the fortes of our League. Every 
Y. C. L.'er must be active in a mass organisation, arul I speak not of our sympa- 
thetic organizations, but of the real miss organizations of American youth. 
The slogan put forth at our convention of 20 percent of Y. C. L. members in mass 
organizations must be rejected as incorrect. Our slogan and immediate aim must 
be : Every Y. C. L.'er active in a mass organization. 

This slogan demands boldness and decisiveness on our part. In the ne.xt few 
weeks we must go over our League section by section, and unit by imit, sending 
our members into the most important youth organisations. Here too, we must 
not alone send individual comrades into mass orjranizations, but whole street 
units. The creation of units in these mass organizations is far more important 
for us than street units. For it is in these oi'ganizations where we come in 
contact with large masses of youth. The unit in the mass oi-ganization is only 
second in importance to the shop unit, and hundreds of our present street units 
must be transformed into units in these most important organizations. 

While in most districts the major problem is to send the bulk of our members 
Into these orgnni:^ations of the youth, in smne places the problem is to reorganize 
the work of our present League so as to give leadership to our comrades already 
in these organizations. For example, in the South we have more than 300 
members who are also members of church youth organizations — especially the 
Baptist Young Peoples Union. In this district (Alobama) the problem confront- 
ing the leadership is to completely change the organization structure of the 
League. Where possible, we should build shop unit.'? and everywhere else units 
in the church youth organizations. Why? Because in the' South, especially for 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2223 

the Negro youth, the church is the center of all cultural and social activity. It 
is here that we must worlc. By building our units in the church organizations 
we can also improve our work under the illegal conditions, as it will he easier to 
worli In the church organizations. In Alahuma tlu're are certain places in wliich 
we can in a short while take over the church oig;inizations of youth under our 
leadership, and these can hecome legal covers for our work in the South. 

However, our League in the North is not like tliat in the South. In most 
districts the prohlem of work in the mass orgainzations will be more difficult. 
We will have to teach many of our comi'ades how to work in these organizations. 
There is a big diffor(>nce between work in the street and work in a mass organiza- 
tion. On the street, comrades put up a soapbox and speak to the workers. Those 
who are interested listen. Others who are not, go away. Sometimes our com- 
rades get away with making general rah-rah speeches. But in the mass organiza- 
tions rah-iah speeches will not go. Our comrades will have to learn how to 
speak simi)ly and to the point. They will have to learn how to answer the 
argtiments of skilled, trained leaders, many of whom have had years and years 
of experience in miseducating youth. 

We have already seen sectarian tendencies to solve this problem by creating 
' inside these organizations narrow discussion groups or clubs of sympathizers. 
Among these our conu-ades feel at home and at the same time ease their conscience 
in the belief that this constitutes work in these organizations. We must fight 
against the creation of these narrow groups. Our comrades must attend the 
lectures and activities of the whole organization. They must be where the 
majority of youth are and not isolated from them. We have an advantage today 
that we did not have at the time of our Convention. Our Comrades can enter 
any settlement house or "Y" and speak to the youth on the basis of the program 
of the American Youth Congress. Around this broad program our comrades 
can educate the youth, set up committees for the Youth Congress, and draw the 
most advanced youth into the Y. C. L. 

Our work in these Settlement Houses, "Y's" and Church organizations must 
result in rapid recruitment for the Y. C. L. This is of great importance not alone 
because we must numerically strengthen our League, but because exi)erience 
shows tliat the comrades we now send into these organizations will, in most 
cases, not become the recognized leaders of these youth for some time to come — 
and some of them not at all. These comrades we send in can immediately make 
friends, can develop influence, can recruit, but to become the leaders of these youth 
we need something more. 

In New York, for example, most of the youth who are today active in Settle- 
ment Houses have been active in these for many years. They entered when they 
were children and graduated from one group to another, and in the course of 
years became known to thousands of children and youth. We cannot expect that 
a comrade we send in to a House for the first time should immediately become 
known to all youth and accepted by them as a leader. That is why by re- 
cruiting from the youth in these Houses we will get for our League, a new 
type of Y. C. Ler — one who is known in his organization, who grew up with it 
and is accepted as one of the fellows. It is from these new recruits that our 
leadership for these organizations will come. This does not mean that our 
comrades who go into these organizations should enter with an exaggerated idea 
of their difficulties. Experience has already proven how easily otir comrades 
can recruit and build the League if they work correctly. Just a few examples : 
In the Bronx House in New York we had two or three comrades. In a few 
weeks of work they discovered some five youths in the House who formerly had 
been members of the Young Pioneers. These are now in the Y". C. L. In the 
Y. M. H. A. we had four comrades. These set themselves up as a committee to 
form a unit. In three weeks a unit was established with twelve members. In 
a '"Y" in Philadelphia, in a period of three weeks two or three comrades also 
multiplied themselves into a unit of ten. These examples must be duplicated 
in hundreds of mass organizations. 



"Victory never comes, by itself— it has to be dragged by the hand. Good 
resolutions and declarations in favor of the general line of the Party are only 
a beginning, they merely express the desire to win, but it is not victory. After 
the correct line has been given, after the correct solution of the problem has 
been found, success depends on the manner in which the work is organized, on 
the organization of the struggle for the application of the line of the Party, 



2224 COIMMUNIST ACTrV^TIES IX THE NEW YORK AREA 

on the proper selection of workers, on supervising the fulfillment of the decisions 
of the leading organs." 

Stalin. 

******* 

Mr. Johnson. In the pamphlet The Party Organizer, March 1935, 
this is a special issue by the Central Committee of the Communist 
Party. 

Mr. Claedy. Wliat is the Party Organizer, and what is its purpose ? 

Mr. Johnson. The Communist Party Organizer is a restricted Com- 
munist publication. By "restricted" I mean it is limited only to Com- 
munist Party members. 

Mr. Clardy. You mean distributed only to them ? 

ISIr. Johnson. Only to them. 

Mr. Clardy. Sort of a confidential report more or less ? 

Mr. Johnson. It is. 

JNIr. Clardy. Proceed. 

Mr. Johnson. Here is an article written by Fred Brown, alias 
Alpi, A-l-p-i, alias Marini, who was for years a Communist Inter- 
national technical agent assigned to work with the American Com- 
munist Party by the Communist International. 

A few years ago he fled from the United States. He is at the present 
time active in the Communist Party of Italy. 

JSIr. Doyle. Which name did he usually go by ? 

INIr. Johnson. He went under the name of Fred Brown and Alpi. 
He was a member of the organizational department of the Communist 
Party National Committee. 

Mr. Doyle. Did I understand you to say he came from Kussia ? 

Mr. Johnson. He was sent here by the Commmiist International 
as a technical representative or agent. 

Mr. Doyle. Does that mean he came direct from Russia? 

Mr. Johnson. From Moscow, who ordered him here, in accordance 
with the provisions of the program of the Communist International. 
In this article — and I quote 

Mr. Clardy. Pardon me, may I interrupt you? Do you want to 
have all that article put into the thing and marked as an exhibit, or 
is there only a portion of it that you want to read? 

Mr. Johnson. There are only two paragraphs of it that I want to 
read. 

Mr. Clardy. All right, read it. Instead of marking it, you go ahead 
and read it. 

Mr. Johnson. The subtitle is "Into the Negro Organizations." 

This is the first paragraph : 

Comrades Browder, Edwards, and Forcl have spoken about the necessity of 
making a turn in our Nesro work, of learning from our experiences in the 
trade-union work on how to connect ourselves with the organized masses. While 
the influence of the party is increasing among the Negro masses, yet organiza- 
tionally they are still detached from us. In the United States there are 5 million 
of the Negro population organized in fraternal organizations, 10 million in 
churches. 

The problem of how to penetrate these organizations is of the utmost political 
importance for us. We must systematically study how to penetrate among the 
millions of organized Negro workers. It is not only a political, but also an 
organizational problem. We must not be content with the United Front es- 
tablished at the top. These United Front conferences are not giving results 
and cannot give results if their decisions are not brought down into the branches 
of these organizations. But in order for decisions to go down, there must be 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2225 

somebody down below to fi^iht for these decisions. Therefore, if we want to 
mobilize the organized Negro masses, we must have forces inside of these 
organizations. 

Now, I was present at the meeting of the National Conniiittee of the 
Communist Party in 1935 when Comrades Browder, Edwards, and 
Ford s])oke on this subject. 

Mr. Claiu)y. Where was this? 

Mr. Johnson. This was hehl in the city of New York in 1935. 

Now, BroAvder, as you know, was formerly general secretary of the 
Communist Barty of the United States of America. He was also a 
member of the executive conniiittee of the Communist International. 
Edwards went under the name of Brown. His real name is Gerhart 
Eisler, tlie Communist International representative who fled our coun- 
try on the Batovy to the eastern part of Germany, where at the present 
time he holds a high and responsible post there. Ford was a mem- 
ber of the National Committee of the Communist Party, a member of 
the Political Bureau of the Communist Party. He was vice presi- 
dential candidate on the Communist Party ticket for Vice President 
of the United States. He was also head of the Negro commission of 
the national committee responsible for the infiltration of Negro organ- 
izations and the winning of the Negro masses in this country for 
rebellion. 

^Ir. Clardy. Is he 1 of the 11 ? 

Mr. Johnson. No, he was not. Ford was disgraced along with 
Browder at the end of the war when the cold war M'as initiated by 
Soviet Russia, and he was given a minor position in the Bedford- 
Stuyvesant section of Brooklyn. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did the Communists ever try to actually get into some 
of our Negro religious groups, such as Father Divine's group? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, they did, and I wish to quote from the Com- 
munist International which was the theoretical organ of the world 
organization of Communists called the Communist International, 
which is now known as the Communist Information Bureau. 

This article was written by R. Palme Dutt. 

Mr. KuNziG. What is the date and time ? 

Mr. Johnson. May 5, 1935, published by the Workers Library 
Publishers, on page 503. I quote : 

An inexcusable blunder occurred in the course of building up the United 
Front actions in Harlem (Father Divine's religious followers). A comrade 
(see Daily Worker, April 9, 1935, article on Harlem by O. Johnson) in a most 
careless manner branded this preacher without concrete evidence as a racketeer, 
classifying him with gangster racketeers, ignoring a more tactful approach to 
this person who has under his influence thousands of sincere Negroes who are 
seeking a way out and who have demonstrated with us against war and 
fascism. 

Such a blunder drives a wedge between us and the masses and confuses 
our theoretical program because of bad practice. Before we can sufficiently 
enlighten his followers of the futility of religious ideology and of the cor- 
rectness of our program and the need for a united struggle against worsening 
conditions, they are driven away from us. This is not convincing the masses. 
It is name calling. Through organized educational scientific antlreligious 
propaganda we seek to rid the mas.ses of their religious prejudices. We must 
carefully avoid any offense that will strengthen religious fanaticism (see the 
Communist, April 193.5, Religion and Communism, by Earl Browder.) These 
mistakes in the United Front tactic appeared in enlarged forms in other cases 
(Herndon, Lee Armwood, Camp Hill, and Tuscaloosa), where the struggle as 
far as the United Front is concerned assumed more of the character of a 
protest (letters and delegations) campaign from the North and mainly a legal 



2226 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

battle in the South. No doubt the most difficult task in this work was to 
extend the United Front. The Communist workers have penetrated into new 
organizations, have brought new workers under our influence to accept revolu- 
tionary methods of struggle and in general have made inroads among the 
Negro masses that at times seriously threatened the reformist leadershin of 
some organizations. 

Now, further on this subject, which was quite a hot issue in tho 
party at tliat particuhir time, which was discussed in the top ciYcU^f, 
of the party and in the party press, Earl Browder. in his book, What 
is Communism?, in 1936, Workers Library Publishers, speaking on 
the issue of Father Divine, had this to say, and I quote : 

We have nothing in common with the religions beliefs of Father Divine 
in whose fantastic features we see the fundamental characteristics of all re- 
ligions, but we have much in common with the masses of Negroes who follow 
Father Divine. They are our people. We will fight for them and for their 
interests. We will do everything possible to draw them into the common 
struggle against a common foe. the capitalist system. We will not deny them 
the right to religious beliefs that we grant to Catholic workers. Jewish workers, 
or members of the numerous Protestant sects. We will fight for all of them. 

At the same time, we reserve our own right to oppose all religious superstition 
wherever we find it, and with the most effective means at our disposal. 

Mr. D0YI.E. Eight at that point, Mr. Chairman, on the article you 
read just prior to this one there was this language — to accept revolu- 
tionary methods. Do 3^ou remember reading that? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes. 

Mr. Doyle. From your own personal experience what is meant by 
revolutionary methods as used in that article? 

Mr. Johnson. That means actions which tend to weaken the Gov- 
ernment of the United States and lay the groundwork for its destruc- 
tion — for example, by starting a campaign, let us say, around the 
issue of Scottsboro. That is familiar to most people, and in the 
course of starting this campaign for the freedom of the Scottsboro 
boys, they will link it up with the whole social system, and in the 
course of this development they will attempt to show those who are 
attracted on the issues involved in the Scottsboro case that the perse- 
cution of the Scottsboro boys is a part of the economic system where 
Negroes do not get justice, that the courts are controlled by the capital- 
ists, and they are therefore the enemies of the Negro, and that the only 
way the Negroes can completely do away with lynching by rope or 
lynching by the courts is to rebel and to overthrow the Government 
of the United States. In other words, they use a legitimate 

Mr. DoTLE. Overthrow how? 

Mr. Johnson. By force and violence. 

Mr. Clardy. What do you mean by force and violence? 

Mr. Johnson. By bloody, forceful revolution, civil war. 

Mr. Doyle. Do t understand that the Communist Party then re- 
vealed the fact to this Negro youth and the Baptist religious denomi- 
nations and other religious denominations that you referred to in 
that pamphlet — did they go to that extreme to reveal that it might 
be necessary someday to use force and violence to overthrow our form 
of government? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, they went 

Mr. DoYi.E. You notice my question is directed to the young people. 

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; they started out with simple grievances of the 
youth in order to attract them. Then they twisted these issues around 
.so as to give them political and revolutionary content and direction, 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2227 

in the same sense as they used the issue of preace and war in order to 
attack our social system, prepare the masses ideologically for the 
sabotage of our industry and our transportation system. 

They used it against our courts; they use it against the Congress 
of tlie United States ; in short, against our whole governmental system 
in all of its institutions. 

Mr. Doyle. All right, thank you. 

Mr. Clardy. It is that same thing that impels them to act as they 
do before this committee, is it not ? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. 

Mr. Clardy. Let us take about a 5-minute break at this juncture. 

( Whereupon a short recess was taken. ) 

Mr. KuNziG. Do you have any further documents which act as 
examples of how the Communists infiltrate religion? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes. 

The united front in the field of Negi'o work, the Communist, by 
James W. Ford, Workers Library Publishers, page 169, February 
1935: 

There are thousands of organizations among Negroes, such as fraternal organi- 
zations, lodges, social clubs, West Indian organizations, independent trade unions, 
locals of the A. F. of L., youth and Greek-letter societies, churches, and affiliated 
social groups. They can be approached with the conception of Scottsboro as a 
symbol of national oppression and for national liberation. We must not come to 
these organizations with their varying programs with the idea of destroying them 
but with the idea of bringing them nearer to the program of the League of 
Struggle for Negro Rights. Whatever the character of the organization, we 
can by correct appeal orientate a phase of it to Scottsboro and the LSNR 
liberation program. 

The united front in the field of Negro work, The Communist, by 
James W. Ford, Workers Library Publishers, Februarv 1935, pages 
170-171: y ^i h 

The church represents a fertile field for work ; as an institution it has solid 
contact with the Negi-o masses, forming a social as well as a religious center. 
Long before there were social ciubs, meeting halls, or fraternal halls the church 
served their purposes. Marriages, baptisms, funerals, drama, amusements, reli- 
gion, all of the features of Negro social activities were bound up in the church. 
When we go among the masses of the church to win support for Scottsboro we 
do not go in to raise the religious issue. Recently at an open forum on religion a 
Negro woman member of a church, said during "the discussion : "You know you 
Communists have been sent by God to do the work you are doing, but you don't 
know it." Should we argue with such a woman about this statement when we 
are trying to make a united front on Scottsboro? Of course not. It would be 
stupid. If this woman l)elieves that her religion can play a revolutionary role 
to the extent of supporting us on Scottsboro, this gives us a starting point for 
building the United Front on Scottsboro. If we get the United Front on Scotts- 
boro other things will take care of themselves if we act intelligently and know 
how to follow through. 

Problems of National Groups in United States, The Communist, by 
Irene Browcler, May 1939, pages 462-463 : 

It is the greatest mistake to deal with the Church, whether Catholic or Prot- 
estant, as one reactionary mass. The same political divisions run through it 
as through society in general, determined by much the same considerations. 
Class divisions are, of course, the basic ones, and we can always rouse the 
democratic instincts and sympathies of working-class members of the church, 
and can often reach them effectively through their church, provided we do not 
offend their religious susceptibilities and thereby throw them back under the 
influence of reactionary religious leaders. 

To ignore such obvious differences and their profound political significance 
would be childish stupidity. 

33909 — 53— pt. S 3 



2228 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, you testified previously in New York 
and here today that you knew Dr. Harry F. Ward. If you have any 
further testimony regarding Dr. Ward or any further information, I 
should appreciate your stating it before the subcommittee at tliis time. 

Mr. Johnson. Yes; I have additional information. It is more or 
less documentary, and I would like to offer it to you. 

The first is an article in the Daily Worker dated Thursday, May 7, 
1953. Along with this article is a picture of Dr. Harry F. Ward. 
The newspaper story is headed "Dr. Harry F. Ward's Achievements 
Recounted at Dinner in His Honor." 

Mr. Clardy. As I understand it, you hold the actual copy of the 
issue of the Worker you mention ? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct ; and I would like to submit this for 
the consideration of the committee. 

Mr. Clardy. Have it marked as "Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 21," 

Mr. KuNZiG. Mr. Chairman, it is marked "Manning Johnson Ex- 
hibit No. 21," and I offer it into evidence at this time. 

Mr. Clardy. It will be received. 

(The copy of the article in the Daily Worker dated Thursday, May 
7, 1953, was received in evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 21.) 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 21 

(Daily Worker, New York, May 7, 1953, p. 7) 

Dr. Harry F. Ward's Achievements Recounted at Dinner in His Honor 

(By David Piatt) 

Dr. Harry F. Ward, one of America's noblemen, who will soon reach his 80th 
birthday, was guest of honor at a dinner at Hotel McAlpin the other night. The 
affair was sponsored by Now World Review, a progressive monthly devoted to 
circulating the truth about the Socialist and People's Democracies abroad. 

The magazine brought out several hundred friends and former students of 
Dr. Ward, and some of those who knew him well, like Rev. Jack McMichael, of 
the Methodist Federation for Social Action ; Corliss Lamont ; Paul Robeson ; 
Frederick Field ; and Jessica Smith, editor of New World Review, told the others 
of how Dr. Ward's teachings enriched them personally and how his tremendous 
work for brotherhood, peace, and justice has influenced the nation as a whole. 

"His influence on the churches of this country is incalculable," said Rev. Mc- 
Michael, one of Dr. Ward's former students at Union Theological Seminary, in 
his stirring account of the life of this "rare scholar and man of action." 

"When you see ministers taking a courageous stand on civil liberties and 
peace, it is because of the inspiration of Dr. Ward's work." 

* * * * * « • 

Other speakers noted the enormous amount of activity that Dr. Ward has been 
involved in during the past half century. 

He is the author of 15 books since 1913 and has a new one coming out soon. 

He was for years chairman of the American League Against War and Fascism 
and the American League for Peace and Democracy. 

He was general secretary of the Methodist Federation of Social Service from 
1911 to 1944. 

He was professor of Christian Ethics at Union Theological Seminary for 
25 years and chairman of American Civil Liberties Union from 1920 to 1940. 

Jes'sica Smith pointed out a few more things about Dr. Ward, such as his 
activity in the British labor movement as far back as 1889. He knew the 
British labor leader Tom Mann, she said, and was himself a worker when he 
came to America as a young lad of 17. 

He was a rancher and teamster and worked with Sidney Hillman in the 
great garment strike that brought about the birth of the Amalgamated Clothing 
Workers Union. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2229 

He knew William Z. Foster and Eugene Debs. 

He studied the works of Marx and Engels and learned what was the basis 
of the thinking of these Socialist giants. 

Ho went to the Soviet Union in 1SJ24 and in 1931 spent a whole year there 
studying the incentives of socialism, out of which came his book, In Place 
of Profit. 

How did Dr. Ward find time to do all the things he did? The answer, said 
Corliss Lamont, is to be found in a poem by Alfred Tennyson, "His strength was 
as the strenuth of ten because his heart is pure !" 

The entire audience I)roke into applause when Dr. Ward came to the mike. 

After paying a moving compliment to his wife who was seated on the plat- 
form. Dr. Ward, in words of great eloquence called for a counteroffensive against 
the warmakers. 

"The Eisenhower administration declares that peace is subversive. Very 
well. Ivct our answer then be not defense but the most terrific counteroffensive 
this Nation has ever seen. Let us answer that war is subversive. 

"It is war that is destroying the Bill of Rights and undermining the Con- 
stitution. War is bringing fascism to our doorstep. War is submerging peace. 
War is taking money needed for education and health and subverting the social 
wellbeing of the whole Nation. These are the things we must make the people 
see. Let that be our answer to the Department of Justice." (Tremendous 
applause ! ) 

Earlier in the evening, INIr. Lamont drove home to the audience the threat 
to the press in McCarthy's drive against civil liberties, pointing out that even 
the violent anli-Conimunist paper, the N. Y. Post, is having its trouble with 
McCarthy. This paper, he said, offers the "greatest possible lesson to all 
liberals and progressives. 

"The Post tried to win safety through the dirtiest redbaiting you can imagine. 
James Wechsler thought he could win safety and security for his paper by 
attacking the Communists and the Soviet Union on eveiw possible occasion. 
Has it done him any good? It has not. Winchell is after him and McCarthy 
is after him, and though Wechsler grovels on the ground, he can't get away 
from him." 

The situation on The Post, said Lamont is proof that the drive against 
civil liberties is against anybody "left of President McKinley — anybody who 
has any ideas at all." 

The thing to do, he said, as the audience applauded vigorously, is for every- 
body who believes in freedom of the press to "stand firm and tight until the 
McCarthyites are beaten." 

* * « * 4: * • 

Theodore Bozal of the United Furniture Workers, CIO Local 92, contributed 
his bit to this splendid evening by telling of his recent trip to the Soviet Union 
and Peoples Poland and of the tremendous peace feeling he encountered 
everywhere. 

Here in America, he said, "we are accustomed to seeing nothing but com- 
mercial advertising on billboards. In the U. S. S. R. I saw hundreds of billboards 
advertising 'We are for Peace.' " 

m ***** * 

Robeson's marvelous singing of Climbing Jacob's Ladder and other songs, 
accompanied by Alan Booth on the piano stirred everyone at this inspiring 
tribute to Dr. Ward described by chairman Frederick V. Field as "one of the 
American leaders of the new world in whom is combined that fusion of intelli- 
gence, understanding, and progressive leadership which is the mark of true 
greatness." 

Mr. Johnson. Now, I would also like to quote from a pamphlet 
entitled "Socialism— What's in It for You?'' by A. B. Magil, New 
Century Publishers. A. B. Magil has for years been a national leader 
of the Communist Party in the United States. 

Now, Magil in this pamphlet states the following, and I quote : 

There are religious people who, far from considering socialism a menace, see 
in it the fulfillment of the ethical principles of their faith. It is this that has 
attracted to socialism distinguished clergymen like the Dean of Canterbury, Dr. 
Harry F. Ward, professor emeritus of Christian Ethics at Union Theological 



2230 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Seminary, and Reverend Eliot White, formerly of the Grace Episcopal Church 
of New York. 

The next quote deals with Harry F. Ward and is taken from a pam- 
phlet written by Earl Browder in 1936 called Democracy or Fascism?, 
Workers Library Publishers. This pamphlet is made up from the 
report of Earl Browder to the ninth national convention of the Com- 
munist Party in 1936. I was present at the ninth convention of the 
Communist Party in New York City held at Manhattan Center on 
34th Street when this report was made. I was a delegate, and it was 
at that convention that I was elected to membership on the national 
committee. 

In the report Browder mentioned the splendid work of Dr. Harry 
F. Ward as one of the finer types of comrades or party members. He 
stated that — 

It is impossible to speak of the American League and its work without noting 
the outstanding contribution of its tireless and devoted chairman, Dr. Harry F. 
Ward. 

Mr. Clardy. By American League, of course you mean the Ameri- 
can League Against War and Fascism ? 
Mr. Johnson. Yes, the American League Against War and Fascism. 
I continue : 

Such selfless and consistent service to a progressive cause as Dr. Ward has 
given will always receive the unstinted recognition and support of the Commu- 
nist Party. 

Mr. Clardy. You have of your own knowledge placed Dr. Ward in 
the party, and you have so testified repeatedly before us. Now, what 
you have laeen giving us is some documentary confirmation of precisely 
what you, yourself, have testified to. 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. 

Mr. KuNziG, Mr. Johnson, do you know anything about the United 
Christian Council for Democracy? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I do. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you ever have any experience with that group ? 

Mr. Johnson. I personally never worked with the group itself be- 
cause the group was formed, according to my best recollection, in 1939, 
and that was the first time that I had heard of it. It was one of those 
organizations that was formed for the purpose of infiltrating the 
various religious denominations throughout the country. 

Mr. KuNziG. If you had no personal knowledge, then what is your 
source of knowledge ? 

Mr. Johnson. My source of knowledge may be found in the 
pamphlet or magazine known as the Protestant Digest. 

Mr. Clardy. Let me interrupt you. I am not sure that either you 
or counsel are quite accurate in the way you phrased it. You as a 
member of the Communist Party must have had some knowledge of 
this subject. Suppose you tell us what the extent of that knowledge 
was. 

Mr. Johnson. The extent of my knowledge was that this organiza- 
tion existed and that it had a program similar to that of the Methodist 
Federation for Social Service. 

Mr. Clardy. All right, now I will ask you another one. In your 
contacts with other members of the Communist Party was the subject 
discussed so that out of all of these meetings with others you picked 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2231 

lip knowledge about the movement and about this other arm of the 
party ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, it was of general knowledge. It was mentioned 
incidentally in discussion of work in religious organization. 

(Representative Clyde Doyle left the hearing room at this point.) 

Mr. Johnson. At the particular time I was mainly involved in work 
in the trade unions. Consequently, I did not make myself familiar 
with the organization or its program. I was content just to accept 
on the basis of the mere mention of it that it was a new Communist 
front that was organized. 

Mr. Ci^vRDY. So while you knew it was organized, and you knew 
from others what it was doing and its general method of operation, 
yon were not part of that particular piece of apparatus? 

Mr. Johnson. No ; I was not. 

Mr. Clardy. All right, now proceed. 

Mr. Johnson. I am only testifying on this as an expert. 

Mr. Clardy. That, sir, is a good statement of the position I think 
370U occupy on this subject. Go right ahead. 

Mr. Johnson. In the Protestant Digest of April 1939, published by 
the Protestant Digest Council for Democracy, there is an article, 
United Christian Council for Democracy, which sets forth the aims, 
purposes, and objectives of this organization and the list of its officers. 

Speaking as an expert on the strength of this article the program as 
set forth in it indicates that the policy of the organization is based 
upon the program of the Communist Party for the infiltration of the 
various Protestant denominations on the basis of conditioning them 
mentally, organizationally for the overthrow of the Government of the 
United States. 

Mr. Clardy. Again you have just one issue or photostat or part of 
one issue dated sometime in 1939 ? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. 

Mr, Clardy. Is that magazine still being published, but under a 
di ff erent name ? 

Mr. Johnson. It was published, to my knowledge, up until the 
fifties under the name of the Protestant Digest. 

]Mr. Clardy. We have had some testimony in the files from other 
witnesses prior to now. Any more comment on that ? 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Chairman, I have in my hand the pamphlet which 
has just been read from by the witness which has been marked "Man- 
ning Johnson Exhibit No. 22," and I should like to offer this exhibit 
into evidence at this time. 

Mr. Clardy. It will be received. 

(The pamphlet Protestant Digest, April 1939, was received in evi- 
dence as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 22.) 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 22 

(The Protestant Digest, April 1939, pp. 61-63) 

United Christian Council fob Democracy 

PURPOSE 

To bring together for education and united action members in all Christian 
chui'clies who are intent upon expressing the social imperatives inherent in the 
Christian religion. 



2232 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

A STATEMENT OF PEINCIPLES 

Our Christian faith in a God of love and righteousness, our acceptance of the 
prophetic command to do justice and love mercy, our obedience to Jesus' teach- 
ings concerning the values and possibilities of human life, leave us vpith no 
alternative save to labor for a radically new society. 

Therefore, moved by the joint compulsion of the desperate needs of human 
society and the inescapable demands of the Christian faith and hope, vre unite 
around the following basic principles : 

1. We reject the profit-seeking economy and the capitalistic way of life with 
its private ownership of the things upon which the lives of all depend. 

2. We seek to establish a social economy which, under social ownership and 
democratic control of the common means of life, will make possible the highest 
potential development of persons and society. 

3. We pledge ourselves to resolute effort to accomplish this basic change in 
the organization of society by the democratic process. 

4. We propose to support the necessary political and economic action to im- 
plement these aims. 

5. In all this we rely upon the availability of spiritual resources adequate for 
the redemption of society. 

THE OEGANIZATION 

A federation 

The United Christian Council for Democracy is a federation of nationally 
organized unofficial denominational units. 

Denominational groups 

An effective means, we believe, of promoting education and action in line 
with our principles is first of all through the various denominations. A major 
objective then is to win the support of a large number of laymen and ministers 
in each denomination. This is accomplished through individual membership 
organizations. 

We believe that each Protestant denomination ought to have such an unofiicial 
organized group which will crystallize and express advanced social positions, 
beyond those which the denomination will or can take officially. 

We are anxious to enlist laymen as well as ministers in these groups and 
believe that the effectiveness of our work will depend measurably upon the pro- 
portion of laymen who actively support this program. 

Regional committees 

On a geographical basis, regional or statewise, and in large cities, regional 
committees of the United Christian Council are being formed. Such committees 
will be interdenominational and representative. Uniting as they will persons 
of common anxiety and conviction in the several denominations of the given 
areas, there will be sufficient strength to support decisive action needed in acute 
social situations. 

A national committee 

A national committee is composed of representatives from each nationally 
organized denominational group, 1 for each 200 members, together with 1 
representative from each interdenominational regional committee. 

Executive committee 

The executive body of the United Christian Council is composed of one repre- 
sentative from each denominational group. The committee has been given power 
to act in terms of the general policy established annually by the National 
Committee. 

PROPOSED ACTION 

For the United Christian Council, the constituent national denominational 
organizations, and regional committees. 

Literature 

The council hopes to recruit the ablest men in all denominations in the prepara- 
tion of pamphlets interpreting our convictions on basic social problems and the 
relation of the church to them. We believe that united action in propaganda 
will greatly improve the quality and effectiveness of such educational work. 

It is our hope that later both a weekly news sheet and a quarterly magazine 
may bring our inteiiDretations of social problems to the people of the churches. 



COMJMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2233 

Pronouncements 

The council expects to make pronouncements, from time to time, on current 
issues in which it will seek to express the nilud and determination of the socially 
advanced portion of the Christian churches. 

The regional and local groups will be encouraged to make pronouncements 
upon social crises in their own communities. 

Action 

We liclieve that common counsel will lead to united action on the part of 
church people on behalf of labor, in counteracting prejudice in labor disputes, 
in defending civil liberties, in opposing wai-making, in furtherance of inter- 
national conferences on basic economic problems, in supporting cooperatives, in 
relating the rural church to the most effective farmers' organizations, and 
generally in giving aid to the forces in the community which are working toward 
immediate justice and an ultimate cooperative commonwealth. 

Mutual aid 

Recognizing that perils of insecurity beset Christian leaders who advocate 
positions more advanced than those held by the community in general, we will 
strive in every way possible to secure the facts in the event of dismissals, to 
place our moral support behind those who are unjustly dismissed, and to secure 
aid for those whose livelihood is imperiled. 



United Christian CotTNciL foe Democracy 
William F. Cochran, President 

Executive Committee 

Reinhold Niebuhr, chairman Evangelical and Reformed 

Ruth Maybee Baptist 

H. Lincoln MacKenzie Community 

Ralph Read Congregational 

Harold Fey Disciples 

William B. Spofford Episcopal 

Harry F. Ward Methodist 

Howard Black Presbyterian 

Howard Kester Southern Churchmen 

Lon Ray Call Unitarian 

Information regarding the United Christian Council for Democracy may be 
obtained from Richard Morford, secretary, 22 Forest Ave., Albany, N. Y. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, as a former leader of the Communist 
Party can you tell us something about the nature of this magazine 
first called the Protestant Digest and later called the Protestant ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I can; but before I go into that, I would like 
to call 

(At this point Kepresentative Clyde Doyle returned to the hearing 
room. ) 

Mr. Clardy. Off the record. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

Mr. Johnson. The Protestant Digest was first published in 1938 
while I was a member of the party, and in the party circles it was 
discussed as one of the Communist- front publications that had as its 
aim and purpose using first the infiltration of the Protestant denomi- 
nations ; secondly, to carry the materialist, antireligious policy of the 
Communist Party into the religious denominations under the guise of 
religion. 

Moreover, it provided the ministers with material for 
sermons that they delivered to congregations at the regular services. 



2234 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Mr. Clardt. Let me interrupt you, Witness. Is it fair to say then 
that this magazine was instituted by the Communist Party for the 
purpose of perhaps deceiving and misleading the good men in the 
ministry into preaching things that would help promote the Com- 
munist Party line without their being necessarily completely aware 
of it? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct ; that is a correct statement. 

Mr. Clardy. And that it was fostered and put forward and sold in 
some instances to good men, but men who were willing to accept the 
statements as though they were bona fide expressions of true 
Christianity ? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. 

(Representative Kit Clardy left the hearing room at this point.) 

Mr. Johnson. In 1938 when the Protestant Digest first was pub- 
lished, there was only one person on the editorial staff. That person 
was Kenneth Leslie. 

Mr. Kunzig. Do you know Kenneth Leslie to be a member of the 
Communist Party? Did you personally know? 

Mr. Johnson. I do not recall having ever attended party meetings 
with Kenneth Leslie, though I do know that he was under Communist 
Party discipline. 

Mr. KuNziG. How do you know that he was under Communist Party 
discipline ? 

Mr. Johnson. Because in the upper circles of the party he was 
discussed as one that could be depended upon to carry out the Com- 
munist Party line. 

Mr. Kunzig. Would you continue with the list of people who were 
responsible through the years for the magazine ? 

Mr. Johnson. In 1939 the magazine shows in addition to Kenneth 
Leslie a group of editorial advisers, six, to be exact. 

(Representative Kit Clardy returned to the hearing room at this 
point.) 

Mr. Clardy. You do not mean to imply that these six of your own 
knowledge were necessarily members of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Johnson. I do not say that they were card-carrying members 
of the Communist Party. I make this statement because in the Com- 
munist Party we had card-carrying members; we had non-card- 
carrjang members. By non-card-carrying members are meant persons 
who are of great value to the Communist Party in various Communist- 
front organizations whose identity, were it known generally, as card- 
carrying members would render ineffective their work in these Com- 
munist-front organizations. 

Mr. Clardy. All right. Now, to come back to my question, as to 
those that have been specifically named, you do not have any specific 
knov/ledge, I take it, as to whether they were m any of these classes 
that you are talking about? 

Mr. Johnson. I did not attend any closed meetings witli these 
people, but I would say that they were on numerous Communist- 
front organiaztions, and they carried out the line. Therefore, they 
were persons under Communist Party discipline as all persons who 
consistently carry out the work of the Communist Party through 
front organizations are persons who are under Communist Party 
discipline. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2235 

Mr. Clardy. Let us put it this way : Are 3'ou personally, or were 
you personally acquainted with the individuals that you have dis- 
cussed so that you are in a position to say of your own knowledge 
whether they fell in any of these categories or not? 

Mr. Johnson. I only know of them through their activities in the 
Connnunist-front organizations or the solar system of organizations 
that was set up in the Communist Party. 

Mr. KuNziG. Then the answer is, you do not know them as card- 
carrying members nor do you know them as specifically non-card- 
carrying members? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. 

Mr. Clardy. But you know them as you have previously described 
as collaborating in some fashion or other? 

Mr. Johnson. That is right. 

Mr. Clardy. It is of course possible, and we want evei*yone to be 
actuall}^ as fair as they possibly can. It is possible that some of them 
may be dupes or may be innocently brought in because they are naive 
or for some other reason, not necessarily because they are actually 
Communists or even Communist sympathizers? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, that is possible. 

Mr. Doyle. "Wliat year was that? 

Mr. Johnson. That is 1939. I did not get to the later editions of 
the Protestant Digest and the Protestant. What I am trying to point 
out here is that there were persons who served at one time or another 
on the Protestant who dropped out. What the reasons were, I do not 
knoAv. but there are others who were consistently on the editorial 
board of the Protestant over a period of years, and not only that, their 
names have appeared in numerous front organizations of the Com- 
munist Party following every twist and every turn in the Commu- 
nist Party line. 

I do not know of most of them as card-carrying members of the 
party. Those that I do I will identify as I go along. 

Mr. KuNziG. Would you give us the names of those who remained 
consistently on the editorial board as you just mentioned and who 
followed the Communist line throughout the j^ears? 

Mr. Johnson. For example, Jerome Davis was on the editorial 
board in 1939. 

Mr. Clardy. You were about to name persons whom you are not 
identifsang as Communists but persons who followed the deviations 
of the Communist Party line. 

I want to have it clearly understood at this juncture that as to any 
other names mentioned up to this moment you are not identifying 
any of them as Communists unless you have specifically said so when 
you named them. That is a correct statement ; is it not ? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. 

Mr. Clardy. All right, proceed from there. 

(Representative Kit Clardy left the hearing room at this point.) 

Mr.KuNziG. You stated that the magazine, the Protestant Digest, 
later called the Protestant, met the various turns of policy of the Soviet 
Union and the twists and the turns in the Communist line as it went 
through the years. Could you document that, please, with illustra- 
tions taken from the magazine? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; I can. 



2236 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

I have here the Protestant Digest, December 1938, the period when 
the Communist Party was building the united front, and we find in 
this edition of the Protestant Digest an article by "William Spofford. 
It was a reprint from the Witness, September 22, 1938. 

(Representative Kit Clardy reentered the hearing room at this 
point.) 

Mr. Johnson. The subject of the article is Bill Spofford Hails 
United Front. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Chairman, I have this document marked "Man- 
ning Johnson Exhibit No. 23," and I offer it now in evidence. 

Mr. Clardy. It will be received. 

(The article, Bill Spofford Hails United Front, from the Protestant 
Digest, December 1938, was received in evidence as Manning Johnson 
exhibit No. 23.) 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 23 

(Protestant Digest, December 1938) 

Bill Spofford Hails United Front 

(By William B. Spofford in the Witness, September 22, 1938) 

The Church League for Industrial Democracy is an organization of the Epis- 
copal Church, composed of approximately 3,000 members, who have pledged them- 
selves to seek to understand the teachings of Christ and to apply them in their 
own vocations and activities in relation to the present problems of industrial 
society. There is no connection whatever between the American League for 
Peace and Democracy and the CLID, or between the Communist Party and the 
CLID. Some of our members are also members of the American League and 
accept the program above stated. Others approve of parts and disapprove of 
other parts. CLID members are, of course, free to join the American League 
or not as they see fit — or to oppose it if that is their conviction. The proposal 
was made at the last national meeting of the CLID that we affiliate with the 
American League. The proposal was overwhelmingly defeated, and as executive 
secretary I opposed affiliation. I did state, however, that I personally accepted 
the program of the American League and asked that I be allowed as an individual 
to cooperate with the organization. This was voted and I have since been active 
in the American League and am at present proud to be vice chairman. 

In regard to the Communist Party, it is, of course, a secular organization, 
based upon a materialistic philosophy, and for this reason is quite properly op- 
posed by Christians. Their ultimate purpose is so to order society throughout 
the world that communism will be universal. However, because of the present 
world situation, with wars in Spain and China and with the Fascist powers 
threatening other democratic nations, they have set aside their ultimate objectives 
in order to join forces in a United Front to maintain peace and democracy. 
Just as a United Front, including the Communists, was necessary in China if 
Japanese aggression was to be resisted (a United Front that has received the 
blessing of Bishop Roots and I think I am safe in saying all our missionaries) ; 
just as Hitlerism might have been avoided in Germany and democracy main- 
tained if the people had created a United Front (as Martin Niemoller told a 
group of us in Berlin last summer just three days before his arrest) ; so I believe 
a United Front must be built in the United States if democracy is to be main- 
tained and war avoided. And an effective United Front is built not by various 
groups stressing their differences but rather by setting aside their differences 
and uniting wholeheartedly in a minimum program. The Communists, as far 
as my experience means anything, are sincere in their desire for a United Front 
and are effective workers for it. Therefore, I am happy to join forces with them, 
and others, on this minimum program for peace and democracy. When and if 
they change their "line" (and I do not believe I shall be so innocent as not to 
know) it is probably that I shall part company with them. 

Mr. Johnson. I would like to present to the committee an article 
published in the Protestant, April-May 1942. The author of the 
article is David Easton, and is an article in which he follows the Com- 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2237 

munist Party line on religion by attempting to show in this article 
that Marxism and democracy and a liberal religious faith are one. 

Mr. Clardy. All right, let us have that marked "Manning Johnson 
Exhibit No. 24." 

Mr. KuNziG. It is marked "Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 24." 

I now offer it in evidence, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Clardy. It will be received. 

(The article referred to from the Protestant, April-May 1942, was 
received in evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 24.) 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 24 

(The Protestant, April-May 1942, pp. 52-55) 

Spirituality and Maus 

(By David Easton) 

Marx explains "self -alienation" as it appears in our present form of society : 

The more the worker expends his labor, the more powerful becomes the 
alien objective world which he creates outside himself, and the poorer he and 
his inner world become and the less he can call his own. * * * Not only does 
his work become an external object, but it exists outside of him as an inde- 
pendent and alien thing. It becomes a self-sufficient power over him. The 
life which he has lost to the object confronts him as strange and alien. * * * 
The estranged relation of the worker to his work expresses itself in the rela- 
tion of capitalist to worker. Private property is thus result and necessary 
expression of the estranged relation of the worker to himself and to nature 
(Marx-Engels, Gesamtausgabe (Ed. V. Adoratskij), Abt. 1, Bd. 3, pp. 83-84, 
91. Trans, mine). 

For Marx the idea of self-alienation expresses the fact that concentration 
of wealth and forces of production in a few hands means spiritual impoverish- 
ment for the majority of men. In this state men lose their freedom — the 
product of their labor and even their tools become powers over them. 

Marx believed that "to be a man" really means "to work," to transform 
nature for human ends. In this way nature is integrated with humanity, and 
each product of labor incarnates the personality of man. Through work man 
"makes the whole of nature his inorganic body." But when the product of 
labor is "alienated," the personality of man is diminished and stunted. Marx 
wanted to suppress the alienation of labor. He believed that man can realize 
and fulfill his personality through a socialist society. This entails "the posi- 
tive dissolution of private property, as human self-alienation, and thus the 
genuine appropriation of the attributes of humanity by and for mankind." 
The new society, Marx said, can produce "as a continual reality, man in all 
the richness of his being, the complete and well-rounded man." 

The young Marx called his view of man "realistic humanism" or "completed 
naturalism." It is the groundwork of his well-known historical materialism. 
Marx' view of man went beyond Feuerbach who stopped with the abstract 
isolated individual and did not see that "only in community with others has 
each individual the means of cultivating his gifts in all directions." Man's 
self-alienation and the way to his self-fulfillment became the motif of Marx' 
thought and endeavor. It runs through all his writings. It implies a particular 
theory of education : 

The education of the future will combine productive labor with instruction 
and gymnastics, not only as one of the methods of adding to the efficiency of 
production, but as the only method of producing fully developed human beings 
(Capital, I, 529). 

It may seem that Marx's historical determinism leaves no room for effective 
human action and development. But Marx never denied that the purposes and 
acts of men are motors of history. He approved of Vico's observation that 
^uman history differs from natural history in this, that we have made the 
former, but not the latter." In an early letter he criticized Feuerbach's material- 
ism for being "merely naturalistic and not historical" for not taking account of 
human efforts, particularly in politics. For Marx "History is nothing else than 
the acitivity of man pursuing his own aims." And man is to be conceived as 



2238 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

*'a living conscious thing" ratlier than a pure disembodied spirit. Following these 
leads, Soviet philosophers recently attacked "economism" which "neglects per- 
sonalities, wills, and temperaments as historical facts." And in 1930 K. N. 
Kornilov of Moscow University wrote a criticism of any view which "either flatly 
denies the existence of human consciousness or identifies it with mechanical 
movements of matter." 

Marx's determinism is simply an assertion that historical events have discover- 
able causes. He denies that human action is free in the sense of being uncaused. 
There is regularity and lawfulness in human events as every social scientist 
supposes. Out of the conflicts and agreements of many individual acts there 
comes regularity and continuity. In this sense social movements are indi^endent 
of the individual will and intelligence. Marx's determinism implies simply that 
the actions of an individual or a group have definite antecedents and conse- 
quences. Is this a denial of human freedom? By no means. Marx always 
distinguished between historical and merely natural events. He insisted that 
men are moved to action by their purposes and needs. This, it seems to me, 
is the substance of human freedom. It is self-determination. It is the condi- 
tion of all our choices. Without such determination "guilt," "responsibility," 
and "moral education" would be empty words. Human purposes and preferences 
are always affected by other parts of the historical process. In their origin, 
their specific content, and in their effectiveness they are conditioned by the given 
productive forces and relations — by other social facts which all presuppose man's 
conscious transformation of nature through his work. 

All of Marx's writings are a condemnation of those economic and social ar- 
rangements which disallow fully developed human beings. He condemned the 
social system which "converts the laborer into a crippled monstrosity" and at the 
same time creates a leisure class of elfete, parasitical, and pleasure-hunting 
animals. He condemned the social scheme which leaves "no other nexus between 
man and man than naked self-interest" and resolves "personal worth into ex- 
change value." For Marx the cultivation and sharing of art is essential to the 
complete life. He deplored the sacrifice of art to the gods of profit and business. 
The treatment of poetry, painting, music, etc., as mere commodities rather than 
"products sui generis" was accepted as one of the tragic ironies of our time. And 
Marx persistently denounced the prostitution of science and education for the 
sake of profits. 

The relation of Marxism to religion will never be understood if we stop with 
the slogan, "Religion is the opium of the people." We should remember that 
Marx's sallies were primarily against those forms of religion which belittle man 
and discount his ideal aims. His criticism was a response to "the categorical im- 
perative to overthrow all conditions in which man is a degraded, servile, neglected, 
contemptible being." In one of his letters Marx wrote, bitterly, that after the 
Greeks the e.ssential dignity of man disappeared from the world. Historical 
Christianity too much emphasized man's worthlessness and the vanity of any 
effort to change his present estate. 

It is clear that Marx's attack on religion is primarily an attack on super- 
naturalism or other wordliness which is indifferent to human needs and develop- 
ment. His views are quite in harmony with humanistic and naturalistic philos- 
ophies of religion. They are altogether acceptable to those who, with Matthew 
Arnold, find the essence of religion to be "morality touched by emotion." But 
with the "new supernaturalism" Marxism clashes on fundamental issues. The 
extreme supernaturalists of our day condenui as false any view which denies 
man's "creatureliness" and commits "the sin of pride.'' Still, many of the new 
supernaturalists use the Marxian way of understanding social events as they 
try to answer present demands of the transcendent ideal. 

The stimulus to Marx's moral passion was an awareness that great numbers 
of men never get to the human level of existence. Only a part of each man is 
developed. Too many are "appendages of machines" and "laboring cattle." 
Life begins when they leave work which is alien and thus fearsome. Marx 
wanted to change this condition. He wanted to get rid of those property ar- 
rangements which cause human self-alienation. He sought to unfetter technology 
for the benefit of all so that human lives might be more complete and rounded 
out. All men, he deeply believed, must have the chance to know the value of 
camaraderie for its own sake, the liberation and romance of learning, and the 
lasting pleasures in art. These things are out of reach when man's work be- 
comes an alien power over him that diminishes his personality. 

Marx expanded the Greek ideal of harmonious self-development. He removed 
it from aristocratic contemplation and related it to social action. For Aristotle 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2239 

the ideal type of man was one who, like the Unmoved Mover, needs only to con- 
template. Likewise, Marx opposed Hegel's view of man. Hegel did think of man 
as a process and thus the result of his own work. But the only kind of work 
he rocognized wa.s abstract spiritual work or pure mental activity. In Marx's 
view the complete man is one who works ; he acts in society and actually trans- 
foi-nis nature of human ends. All of his socially developed senses and spiritual 
organs are instruments for "the humanization of nature." This is Marx's view 
of man which he called realistic humanism. It gives deeper meaning to his 
favorite maxim : "Nihil humani a me alieimm puto." In this respect, as well as 
others, Marxism and democracy and a liberal religious faith are as one. 

Mr. KuxziG. Mr. Johnson, do yon know Easton as a member of the 
Connnunist Party ? 

Mr. JoiiNSOx. I do not know of my personal knowledge whether he 
is or wlietlier he is not a member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Clardy. You are not at this time making any accusation that 
the gentleman named is a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mv. Johnson. No ; I am not at this time. 

IMr. KuNziG. Do you have any further documents, Mr. Johnson ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I have. 

I have in my hand a copy of the Protestant Digest of January 1940, 
which shows that the Protestant Digest worked against America's 
entry into the war at the time when the Communist line was peace for 
America as long as Russia and Germany were tied together in a pact. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Chairman, I have this document in my hand 
marked "Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 25," and I offer it into evi- 
dence at this point. 

Mr. Clardy. It will be received. 

(The copy of the Protestant Digest, January 1940, was received in 
evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 25. 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 25 

(Protestant Digest, January 1940, pp. 68-73) 

Toward a Democratic Peace 

By Harry F. Ward 



Can We Do It? 

We are now back to the old international law concept of neutrality. Like the 
Soviet we are technically willing to sell to both sides. Actually we mean to help 
the allies, relying on the cash-and-carry provisions and the British blockade to 
make it impossible for Germany to buy here. If she can get something by a 
roundabout way through neutrals, we will take the profits on that, too. 

This is a better protection against the consequences of war trade than we had 
in 1914-1917. How effective is it? Is the desire for profit, and the need for 
profit tamed and under control? The first attempt to break through the cash 
restriction by substituting 90 days' credit for cash on the barrelhead, has been 
defeated by popular protest. But the same interests who tried that are now hop- 
iui; that the clause which provides that insurance does not constitute an Anieii- 
can interest in goods or ships will afl'ord them a loophole ; and the British Minis- 
ter of Supply naturally says they are examining the bill to see if there is not a 
possibility of getting around the cash restriction by arrangements with private 
business. The Wall Street Journal has hopes. The attempt to evade the carry 
restriction by transfer to foreign registry, and the ofiicial support it has secured, 
indicates the necessity to continually watch and expose attempts to evade or 
change the restrictions on war trade designed to lessen the risk of our being 
drawn into the war. 



2240 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

The Danger Points 

Popular support will gather behind such attempts if and when there is any 
danger of Hitler winning, and if the war lasts until the allies' cash is gone and 
orders and jobs begin to fall off. War trade on a cash basis has its own way of 
producing economic pressures on the side of our entering the war. The antici- 
pation of immediate orders which are not forthcoming has already created a 
small boom with no base. The concentration of orders on airplanes and a few 
other things, and the need of conserving cash for a possibly long struggle, is 
already reducing British purchases of basic necessities that we have been supply- 
ing. The prosperity we get from war orders will be very spotty. The effects of 
the transfer of British and French securities here to pay for their orders, along 
with additional transfer of gold, will load us up still more with idle capital. 
The net result will be an increase in our total economic insecurity, a psychologi- 
cal situation which always brings war nearer. 

To offset these tendencies it would be necessary to make much larger Govern- 
ment expenditures for social gains, whereas the reactionaries who succeeded in 
limiting these in the last session of Congress expect to do worse in 1940. Those 
who seek to check the rise of a war spirit in this Nation will need to be able to 
defeat reaction at this point and to protect the living standards of the people by 
exposing and leading them to stop all war profiteering as soon as it begins. 

If the war lasts the cold-blooded military experts have a formula for the time 
when the economic and propaganda pressures will actually begin to take us in. 
It is the ratio between our supply of the instruments of war to the allied man- 
power available for their use. When the production flow of war materials from 
our plants becomes greater than the capacity of their armies, there will be both 
need for our manpower and propaganda to get it. The danger to democracy will 
then suddenly become very acute in the headlines. Those who would expose 
and resist this must know their economic facts. It is of no more avail to 
shout "keep out of war" than it was to vote that way in 1916. If the underlying 
forces are again working as they were then, they will take us in. The first step 
in getting them under control is to continually explain to the people exactly 
what is happening. 

What About China? 

Since England now has no war supplies to spare for Japan, that country needs 
to draw more heavily upon us than even our present 54 percent of her imported 
materials for war. Our new war-trade legislation does not apply, for the legal 
fiction of an undeclared war still remains. If that situation continues, only an 
embargo can end our partnership in the invasion of China. If Japan declar«^s 
war our present legislation will still help Japan more than China, for she can only 
get supplies through neutrals willing to run the blockade, while Japan has both 
cash and ships, * * * The only prevention would be a Presidential ban on 
scrap iron and oil on the ground of our own needs, plus discrimination under 
the tariff law when our trade treaty ends in January. Our present protests to 
Japan are entirely in terms of our own trade interests and lead either to war 
or a compromising assent to Japanese control in China. Our moral obligation 
to China calls clearly for a renewed dpmand for an embargo on war supplies 
to Japan until she takes her armies out of China. 

Incitements to War 

Incitements to war will naturally be continuous. There is and will be propa- 
ganda, with its inevitable atrocity stories, to be exposed. There will be incidents 
infringing upon our rights, and inhuman deeds, against which our emotions will 
need to be steeled. There are sympathies to be watched lest they betray us. 
Those responsible for forming public opinion will need constantly to ask some 
questions and answer them from the unfolding facts. What are the war aims 
of the allies? Can the people who helped destroy democracy in Austria, Spain. 
and Czecho-Slovakia do anything for it now? Can Hitler and Hitlerism be 
stopped by war? Will the victory of the allies produce anything better than it did 
at Versailles with all its consequences? How can a repetition, in even worse 
form, of the cycle which produced the present disaster, be prevented? 

A New Devil 

A dangerous feature in recent developments is the propaganda of incitement 
against the Soviet Union. It fairly shrieks from the headlines and thunders from 
tlie editorials. Stalin has replaced Hitler for most of the American people as the 



COMIVrUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK: AREA 2241 

devil to be feared. Stories are told one week on the front page and the facts 
which deny them are the next week buried in the back of the papers. The Soviets 
had betrayed and abandoned China to its fate, we were told. Now come the facts 
concerning increased supplies. Tons of Russian gold were on their way to Ger- 
many. Now it appears they are in Dutch banks for Soviet purchases in the 
United States. Yet our liberals, so shocked by the change in Soviet policy, are 
still prepared to believe the worst. Usually they do not even mention, let alone 
assess, Chamberlain's part in that change. Our Government talks in sterner 
tones * * * to Stalin than to Hitler. It says nothing when two score of our 
ships are interned by the allies ; it protests when one is held in a Soviet port. 

All this provides the emotional background for what? Among the possibilities 
is the cry for a holy war against the pagan Nazis and the atheistic Communists. 
The Vatican has laid the groundwork for it. Two of our most widely read col- 
umnists are calling for a union of all forces to heat back the barbarians of the 
East before they destroy all the values of civilization. In the event of an 
alliance between Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia, the cry for a holy war would 
develop hysteria overnight in this nation. God is a more powerful sanction for 
modern mass slaughter than democracy. 

There is another and more cold-blooded prospect for the use of the moral emo- 
tions now being aroused against Russia and it coincides with the property in- 
terest and the fear of social change suddenly revealed by this animus. The plan 
of a section of the British Tories is to restore a reactionary Government in Ger- 
many, the kind that we helped to overthrow in 1918. There is talk of bolstering 
this by a monarchical Catholic state in central Europe. In any event a i-eac- 
tionary Germany is to be turned eastward again, looking toward that attack 
upon the Soviet Union which is the historic necessity of the Tory imperialists. 
In this eventuality the support of the United States in one way or another is 
sought. 

In these circumstances those who feel an obligation to pass moral judgments 
on the Soviet Union must realize the risk involved. It is the same risk which 
was taken by those who passed moral judgments upon Hitler, and they took 
precautions to get them executed without war. The least that can be done by 
those who stand in a similar position in relation to the Soviet Union is to see 
that their judgments are exact and are based on all the facts. 

Some Facts 

Most of those who now put the actions of the Soviet on the same plane with 
those of Hitler, have read only the new.spaper case against the Soviet. Their 
side is now available in English through the speeches of Molotov. He declares 
their main motivation to be self-protection, with the hope that their course will 
make for peace. On questions of fact the British point of view, more hard-headed 
than ours despite their more vital interests, supports the Russians on some 
points. Chamberlain's latest speech on November 9 says : "On the other hand, 
the pact between Germany and the Soviet Union has given indeed great advan- 
tages for the Soviet Union, but it has brought only humiliation and loss for 
Germany." Chamberlain has odicially justified the Soviet entry into Poland 
as a defense measure. And this was not merely a tactical move on the score of 
neutrality. The additional fact that he has debarred the Polish Government in 
Paris from making any claim to the territory involved indicates his conclusion 
that this Government has no moral or legal title to territory which it took by 
force from the Soviet contrary to the Versailles decision. 

This places the Soviet action against Hitler rather than the Polish Govern- 
ment. The technical point in the question of aggression is whether the border 
was crossed before or after the Polish Government had ceased to function. 
The correspondent of the London Times, who was in the area at the moment, 
states that the Government was out of commission. This left the territory either 
to Hitler or the Soviet, from which it was originally taken. 

Concerning the charge of a previous plan of partition, Gedye, the Moscow 
correspondent of the New York Times, with a long and honorable experience in 
Vienna and Prague, affirms that he can find no proof of it. The record of the 
Soviet of keeping their pledge to Czechoslovakia, publicly confirmed by mem- 
bers of that Government, coincides with the charge of the total political oppo- 
sition to Chamberlain in England, including many conservatives, that he, and 
not the Soviet Union, was responsible for the breakdown of the negotiations 
between them. If this is correct it left the Soviet faced with continuous ma- 
noeuvres against them with no alternative but to protect themselves as best 



2242 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

they could. Their moves can only be understood in the light of the fear psy- 
chology developed by continuous attacks upon them, and threats against them, 
which are met by Lenin's strategy of playing off one enemy against another in 

Tliis explains the policy in relation to the Baltic States and Finland. Weeks 
before this developed the Ambassadors of these states in Washington told the 
Nev? Republic correspondent that the key to Soviet policy was the impossibihty 
of defending Leningrad as long as the approaches to the Gulf of Finland were 
controlled by other powers. This is equally true of its nearness to the Finnish 
border, and "it involves the whole northern industrial section of Russia proper. 
It is the fear of future attack ftom either or both Germany or Great Britain 
which dominates the situation. Those who interpret Soviet action only in terms 
of power politics, and talk of socialist imperialism, are thinking too narrowly 
in their habitual pattern. Those who think that Russia might have stayed 
within her own borders usually ignore tactical necessities in the face of ene- 
mies in the field, and generally forget that a socialist state in a capitalist world 
is still subject to the laws of State nature. Since all States sin the question is, 
are these siuners above the others, or below the others, in this modern Jeru- 
salem? The answer to that must be found in the terms of their contracts with, 
and the future development of, those smaller States which of necessity must 
either be in the orbit of Germany, Great Britain, or the Soviet until the day 
when there is a commonwealth of socialized nations in Europe. Meantime, the 
terms of the Soviet concessions in the Baltic States and Finland should be com- 
pared with Hitler's terms in Czecho-Slovakia, Britain's in India and ours in 
Cuba. 

Our Democracy 

The question of the outcome of the moral emotions now being aroused against 
the Soviet also has another bearing. Here they are being translated into anti- 
Communism, and this is being used under the leadership of Dies in a new red 
hunt which promises, under other leadership, to be more intelligent, as well as 
more ruthless, than that under Mitchell Palmer after the last war. The foun- 
dations of our democracy are being assailed under the cry of saving it from the 
reds. Even if we manage to stay out of the war, it is clear that we have a con- 
tinuous and difficult job to protect our democratic rights from the massed at- 
tack of reaction, using war-time feelings for its dynamic. A later Bulletin will 
deal with this question. 

A Democratic Peace 

Those who seek a democratic peace must begin to work for it now. Because 
of the contribution of our economic resources to the allied cause, as well as be- 
cause of our security and our professed ideas, we have an obligation as a neu- 
tral to secure at the earliest possible moment a conference of all the interested 
nations to face the basic issues involved in the War. They are three: the end- 
ing of aggression and imperialist domination with restitution for the dispos- 
sessed nations and minorities ; disarmament ; meeting the economic needs of all 
nations by reciprocal arrangements. 

* ****** 

Our present protests to Japan are entirely in terms of our own trade interests 
and lead either to war or a compromising assent to Japanese control in China. 

* ****** 

In the event of an alliance between Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia the 
cry for a holy war would develop hysteria overnight. God is a more powerful 
sanction for modern mass slaughter than democracy. 

Mr. Johnson. I have an article entitled "Two Speeches by Kenneth 
Leslie." 

Mr. KuNziG- What is the date of the article ? 

Mr. Johnson. October-November 1942, the Protestant. The sub- 
ject of the article, The Second Front. 

This article was written after Hitler's attack on Russia, and it was 
in accord with the Connniniist Party's national campaign to compel 
America to go along with Soviet Russia on the opening up of a second 
front in Europe. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IX THE NEW YORK AREA 2243 

Mr. KuN/Jo. I have this document marked "Manning Johnson 
Exliibit No. 2G,'' Mr, Chairman, and T offer it into evidence at this 
point. 

Mr. Clardy. It will be received. 

(The article entitled "Two Speeches by Kenneth Leslie" from the 
Protestant, October-November ldP2, was received in evidence as Man- 
ning Johnson Exhibit No. 2G.) 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 26 

(The Protestant, October-November 1942, pp. 47-50) 

Two Speeches by Kenneth Leslie' 

THE SECOND FRONT 

In gangster tilm languiige Fascism is the o'ook district attorney who is using 
two gunmen from Murder, Inc. (the Japanese and German nationalists) to do 
the dirty heavy vporli on the modern liberal democratic world against which the 
Counter Reformation is aimed. After they have done their work they will be 
disavowed and double-crossed. Fascism plans to step in later on when the 
modern liberal democratic world is staggering from the attentions of the gun- 
men, and, strange as it may seem, to save the modern liberal democratic world 
from the gunmen — on one condition. The condition will be that it must renounce 
its modern ideas of liberalism, equality, democracy, and go back to the obedience, 
discipline, and authority of the pre-Reformation era. 

In this connection you must certainly have noticed the strange concert of 
propaganda drives exalting the virtues of obedience and authority for our youth 
and decrying the lack of discipline in our youth. That such propaganda was a 
libel on American youth has been amply proved by the nmgnificent discipline 
shown by American youth in the Army, in the Navy, in the factory, and in the 
merchant marine. This talk of discipline and obedience was brought here and 
planted here with Fascist money — the same money that financed Hitler. In other 
words, to go back to the Fascist plan whose pattern grows clearer every day — you, 
the people, will be saved by those who think they know what is best for you. 
You will not only be saved fi-om Hitler-Hirohito Murder, Inc., you will 
be saved from yourselves, the people. For you the people as the rulers of your- 
selves are the only enemies of those who would rule you. It is as simple as that. 
In America the people rule themselves through their President, in England 
through their Prime Minister. They are very fortunate and very wise to 
have elected Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Churchill as their deputies. Both of these 
men can be trusted. You can depend upon them. But can they depend upon 
you? You can depend upon them to do your will only if they can depend upon 
you to let them knoiv what your icill is. 

Many ask : Why bother Mr. Churchill and Mr. Roosevelt about the war? 
They know better about it than you can possibly know. They have access to 
facts of which, for strategic reasons, you cannot have knowledge. They have 
at their elbows all the experts. They don't need your advice. Such an ob- 
jection is the objection of a Fascist. 

For, leaving aside the somewhat sensitive point about the experts (the ex- 
perts haven't fared at all well so far in this war), it is vital to the democratic 
cause that the democratic chiefs keep in touch with the people. And (follow 
this) it is vital to the Fascist cause that the democratic chiefs ai*e kept out of 
touch with the people. That's why I say this is a Fascist objection. 

Fascists who literally swarm in the democracies, using democratic methods 
and democratic language and democratic protective coloration are putting 
pressure directly and indirectly, visibly and invisibly, on our democratic chiefs 
who many times cannot recognize it and can hardly protect themselves from it 
if they could recognize it, because it comes so well protected and in such legally 
regularized forms. 

Legal citizens with Fascist hearts bring this pressure twenty-four hours a day, 
seven days a week. They are the famous fifth column ; they play for high 
stakes, no less than the undoing of the human gains of the past four hundred 

^^^^— — ^—  III Ml M 

iFrora an address broadcast over WFIL, Philadelphia, August 3. 1942, arranged by 
the Philadelphia Protestant Associates. 

33909— 531— pt. 8 4 



2244 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

years ; tbey are thrilled with the thrill of titanic destruction ; they have waited 
long and hungrily for this great moment in which they will carry out the ana- 
thema against tolerance. 

Not only do American and British citizens bring this pressure but the ac- 
credited and befriended representatives in Britain and America of Fascist 
Spain and Fascist France and Fascist Finland also bring pressure. They bring 
pressure not only on our chiefs but upon us, the people, as well, confusing and 
bewildering us, but upon their own sorely tried people the Spanish, the French, 
the Finnish, who see us entertaining and befriending the representatives of 
Fascist power in those unhappy lands. They wonder why we have taken de- 
livery of these Fascists in the first place, and why, now that they are linown 
and ticketed and catalogued, we do not invite them to leave. 

The reason I say that our chiefs need pressure is that they get pressure from 
the other side to keep these agents here and if they could receive a little pres- 
sure from us who want them out of here, they would be sent out of here. Our 
chiefs are not supermen, not fuehrers, just our own deputies, and they very 
much depend on popular agitation for every move they make. 

Now I have mentioned the friendship, the anomolous friendship, the em- 
barrassing friendship we retain for Fascists who are supposed to be our 
enemies, and, I have not yet mentioned the topic named for these remarks. 
Namely, the second front, which should perhaps better be called simply our 
share of the war. 

The Russians are doing their share. This is admitted, even by their enemies. 
This is admitted by those who call themselves friends of Russia but who look 
on Russia only as a convenience and who inwardly hope that she won't become 
such a great convenience that she will prove to be an inconvenience. The Rus- 
sians are, in fact, fighting the Germans. This much is accepted. The Rus- 
sians have suffered heavy losses in men, land and material. Five million men, 
600 thousand square miles of land (equal to the land in England, Germany and 
France), three quarters of its mineral production and the Ukraine wheatlands. 
[This was in August] 

More than .50 million Russians now live under the swastika. 

These terrible losses may be taken lightly in this counti-y. They may in- 
wardly comfort certain haters of the land of socialism. But they are nothing 
less than stark tragedy to the Russian people. How can we ask them to 
understand our friendship for Mannerheim of Finland who adds the weight 
of his Fascist army to their already unbearable woes? 

Can yon not see the Russian soldier, the Russian farmer, shaking his head 
slowly from side to side and saying to himself: "Second Front. Second Front. 
So much talk of a second front * * * yet how is this? Not only is there no 
second front * * * not only have we to bear the weight of the whole Nazi army 
but the Finnish army as well. They say they can't open a second front. They 
say they icant to but can't. What is it tlien that makes them support the 
Finnish front against us by recognizing the Finnish Government, long ago 
tied hand and foot to the Nazi scorpion? 

So you see how these questions are all part of the same question. Fascism 
is a world movement. A world conspiracy, woven in one pattern, of one 
cloth. Until we, the people, see this, we are lost, and rhetoric cannot save us. 
Not even the noble rhetoric of Henry Wallace. 

We do not yet see it. 

The problem of the opening of the second front is one part of the whole 
problem of the world anti-Fascist war which is still not being made. We are 
chasing the gunmen while entertaining the crooked district attorney in our 
home. 

And even if we beat Hitler and Hirohito, the killers, we shall not have helped 
ourselves the least bit if in doing so we make any commitments to the polite 
district attorney Fascist who let them loose on us in the first place. 

With regard to the military aspects of opening a European land front 
against the axis, it naturally behooves a lavnian to talk with diffidence and 
caution. Only the extreme urgency of the situation forces amateur opinion to 
express itself. As I have indicated. I do not believe it is skill we lack. It is will 
we lack. And that is my chief concern here today. But even the most skillful 
professionals sometimes get so close to their problem that they lose their i)er- 
spective. Moreover, although they may think their politics does not influence 
them, it does. This political bias was clearly indicated when they predicted 
that Russia would fold up before the Nazi drive last year. This was the mili- 
tary eye blinded by the political eyeglasses. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2245 

So today I stress the political unity of Fascism whose agents and whose 
way of thinking are the unrecognized enemy in our midst and whose agents at 
least must be put out of our midst before we can save ourselves. It is true 
that there is a great risk in giving battle to the Nazis on European soil. We 
might be beaten. That is true of any battle. It is not the spirit in which the 
Russians fight. It is not the spirit in which the British Commandos fight. 
The Canadians will not open the second front in that spirit. They will go in 
to win. Their commander, General MacNaughton, knows exactly what he is 
up against. Yet he and they are anxious to get over and get it over. This 
risk which opponents of giving battle fear, is courted gladly by those who will 
have to bear the risk. 

Hitler's men, tougher, cockier than ever, if and when they turn West once 
more, having (the possibility must be faced) for the time being, stabilized 
their Eastern front, will let loose on the concentrated target of Plngland, an 
attack which it is horrible to contemplate. Before that happens, before that 
can happen, before they get the jump on us (as they have dcme so sickeningly 
often) and slaughter our boys in their British camps, let those boys have a 
chance to show their stuff. 

Now is the time, while Hitler's armies are caught deep in the Caucasus rat- 
trap, to spring the trap by opening the Western Front. 

Mr. Johnson. I would like to show to the committee an article from 
the Protestant, June-July 1942, Whose Property Is This War? by 
Kenneth Leslie, in which he calls for the making of Timoshenko, the 
Russian military commander, commander in chief of the whole allied 
forces. 

Mr. KuNziG. I have this marked "Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 
27," Mr. Chairman, and offer it into evidence at this point. 

Mr. Clardy. It will be received. 

(The article. Whose Property Is This War? from the Protestant, 

June-July 1942, was received in evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit 

No. 27.) 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 27 

(The Protestant, June- July 1942, p. 4) 

Whose Property Is This War? 

By Kenneth Leslie 

TIMOSHENKO FOB ALLIED CHIEF 

If in the last war, the so-called great war, it became necessary to forge a uni- 
fied command under the chieftanship of Marshall Foch, it becomes all the more 
necessary in this war, because of its even more complicated nature and its global 
character, to achieve a similar single coordinating head. 

The people are watching very carefully the materialization of the promised 
second front. It could be opened just too late. It could be opened just too little. 
Big business is as yet not quite willing to gear its effort wholeheartedly with 
Russia, and therefore the gears of the global war are with monotonous repetition 
being stripped to the bone-crushing tune of too little, too late. 

Any projected second front, in order to be honestly effective, must be geared 
to the Russian front for both military and political reasons. 

For political reasons, because Russia is the only country without fifth and 
sixth columnists. In other words, Russia is where Hitler first found all-out 
resistance, and therefore the people of the world, while in nowise withholding 
their undying gratitude to the heroic defenders of Madrid and Chunking, must 
look upon Russia as the champion anti-Fascist fighter. 

For military reasons, because so far Russia alone has been able to speak the 
new military language of Germany, having learned it at a time when British 
and American military experts were still fumbling with its ABC's. 

Since the fronts must be coordinated it appears elementary that the coordina- 
tion should be directed by the man most experienced in German war tactics and 
of most proven ability to cope with them : That is General Semyon Timoshenko, 
who would appear, therefore, to be the logical choice to head the Supreme Mili- 
tary Command of the United Nations. 



2246 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Let Timoshenko fit the driving shaft to the tread of the allied war machine, 
and it will move smoothly and swiftly upon the Axis and will bury it deep in 
the bowels of the earth where its stench will fade from the memory of men. 

Mr. Johnson. I would like to give you also a quotation from the 
Protestant, December-January 1942. The subject is God's Red Army, 
I quote : 

It is not because Russia has saved us that we thank God for the Red Army. 
It is not even because Russia has saved for us the opportunity to save ourselves. 
Indeed, it is not because of anything to do with us either individually or na- 
tionally. It is simply because of what Russia is and because of the quality of 
the Red Array itself, the spiritual quality of its soldiers, the way its soldiers 
feel toward its people, the way its soldiers feel toward their enemies — this is 
why listening to our inmost voice we hear ourselves thanking God for the Red 
Army. 

Mr. KuNziG. I have this document in hand, Mr. Chairman, and 
offer it as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 28 into evidence. 

Mr. Clardy. It may be received. 

(The quotation "God's Ked Army," from the Protestant, December- 
January 1942, was received in evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit 
No. 28.) 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 28 

(The Protestant, December-January 1942, pp. 2 and 3) 

God's Red Army 

"Timoshenko" — Password to Sanity 

"Russia has shown wisdom in the distinction she consistently and conspicu- 
ously draws between Hitlerite Germany and the German people." — Bishop of 
Chichestek. 

"Our Red Army men know what they are defending. They are defending the 
youngest country in the world, the land of youth. We are the first in the world 
to construct a society based not on greed but on the cult of labor, on creative 
activity, on human solidarity. 

"We defend the land of real culture against barbarism. Dr. Goebbels once 
said : 'The printed word nauseates me.' Our reply was to publish Goethe's 
works in 700,000 copies in eight languages. 

"I saw German fascists humiliating Frenchmen in Paris. In Warsaw they 
destroyed the monument of the great Polish poet Mickiewicz ; in our country his 
poems are published in hundreds of thousands of copies. In our country 
Kirghiz actors come to Moscow. Jubilees of Armenian and Georgian poets are 
celebrated throughout our land. It would never occur even to a hooligan to 
offend anyone because of his nationality. 

"Our youth is defending the great cultural heritage of Russia against the 
maniacs who measure genius and heart by the shape of the skull. Our youth 
is fighting for our land, for our liberty. They are fighting also for the liberty 
of the world. They are fighting for human dignity. They are fighting for the 
rights of Paris, desecrated by the executioners, for the University of Prague, 
for proud Norway, for the huts of the Serbs, for the Acropolis." 

— Ilya Ehrenbourg. 

It is not because Russia has saved us that we thank God for the Red Army. 

It is not even because Russia has saved for us the opportunity to save ourselves. 

Indeed, it is not because of anything to do with us either individually or 
nationally. 

It is .simply because of what Russia is and because of the quality of the Red 
Array itself, the spiritual quality of its soldiers, the way its soldiers feel toward 
its people, the way its soldiers feel toward their eneraies. This is why, listening 
to our innermost voice, we hear ourselves thanking God for the Red Army. 

In fact there are those who put it the other way around : they thank the 
Russians for renewing their faith in a God they had begun to doubt. One writes-. 

"They have sure pulled nie out of some tough spots. IMy circle of wolves is 
small and for that very reason close and ready. When things look black I say 
a word to myself, 'Timoshenko.' It is a password to sanity." 



COMJMUXIST ACT1\1TIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2247 

This is so true. There are many dark spots on tins dark earth which the 
sacrificial blood of these selfless Soviet soldiers has brighteued and redeemed. 

The Vansittarts and the Duff Coopers of England who repeat the old anti- 
German racism to cover their own race egotism should stand in sliame before 
the armed citizens of the Soviet. For the Soviet men spurn such criminal 
stupidity and regard the German soldiers as their temporarily misguided brothers. 

So too the American racist, curbed by the words and actions of that bravely 
wise woman, Eleanor Roosevelt, may study to advantage his new ally. 

There are some things he must learn from his Russian brother in arms if 
both are to live in one world, not white, nor colored, but human. It would be 
embarrassing for an American to find himself talking about "tlie yellow bastards" 
and to turn around and find a Red soldier reproving him for liis fascist mentality. 

"Remember Pearl Harbour" is a poor slogan for the effort of this nation. 
Those who are acting on this slogan and those it took such a slogan to unite are 
those who fight only on the lowest level, the level of mere survival. Surely we 
can do better than this. 

"Remember Chungking" for instance would mean that we remembered the 
10,000 "Pearl Harbours" we made possible in China during the four years we 
dispensed oil and junk to the perpetrator of those 10,000 "Pearl Harbours." A 
long way it is to the lost and buried and forgotten conscience of our Western 
World. But best of all might be "Remember our humiliating exclusion of the 
Japanese." We can only be forgiven our trespasses if we remember that we 
trespassed. 

Mr, Johnson. I would like also to submit to you an article from the 
Protestant, April 1939; the subject, "Why Not Be Fair to the Soviet 
Union ? " by Jerome Davis. 

Mr. Clardy. That, I assume, to further identify it, is just another 
twist in the party line. 

Mr. Johnson. Yes. I specifically wish to call the attention of the 
committee to the last 5 paragraphs. 

Mr. KuNziG. I have this document marked "Manning Johnson Ex- 
hibit No. 29," and I offer it into evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit 
No. 29, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Clardy. It will be received. 

(The article. Why Not Be Fair to the Soviet Union? from the 
Protestant, April 1939, was received in evidence as Manning Johnson 
exhibit No. 29.) 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 29 
(The Protestant, April 19.39, pp. 57 and 58) 

Why Not Be Fair to the Sov^ET Union? 
[Excerpt] 

By Jerome Davis 

Christianity has for nearly two thousand years proclaimed its high ideals to 
the world. The Sermon on the Mount, if it was actually carried out would 
shatter and supersede our existing capitalistic system. Yet after two thousand 
years we still have lynchings in the United States, gross exploitation of labor, 
and even shootings in the back of innocent workers by the state. 

Communism has perhaps come nearer to bringing in equality and justice for 
the common working class in twenty years than the Czar's Christianity had in 
centuries. Let us recognize then that given another hundred years Russia may 
make some progress towards more freedom of expression. She may perhaps 
modify her drastic treatment of opponents. At least as Christians confronted 
with the horrible crimes of wars supported in the name of Christianity we can 
hardly afford to throw stones. 

Strange as it may seem the Soviet Union has a more consistent peace record 
than any other nation. It has offered completely to disarm to any point on which 
the other nations can agree. It is the Christian nations that have blocked dis- 
armament. 



2248 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE NEW YORK AREA 

Her successes have come because she has struggled to abolish exploitation and 
bring in justice for the working class of the world. In doing this she has met 
with violence from the so-called Christian forces and her philosophy is to meet 
violence with violence, if that is necessary. 

Nothing that has here been said is intended to imply that no serious evils exist 
within the Soviet Union, but rather that in the endeavor to bring about inter- 
national peace and good will, we ought at least to understand one another. Those 
who genuinely understand the Soviet Union will go back to their own countries, 
determined to do all in their power to end exploitation and bring about justice- 
at home before they begin to throw stones abroad. 



Dr. Jerome Davis, who taught for thirteen years at the Yale Divinity School, 
is again taking a very select group to Europe this summer for the Bureau of 
University Travel. The group will visit eleven countries, interviewing the 
leaders in the governments as well as taking in the major points of interest. 

Last summer, in London, the group met with Malcolm McDonald, British 
Minister of Colonies ; spent an evening with Professor Harold Laski of the London 
School of Economics ; conferred with the well-known author, G. D. H. Cole ; and 
heard the Foreign Minister, Lord Halifax, 

The total cost of the trip. New York to New York, is $695, including all 
expenses. 

The cooperative movement will be studied in Denmark and Sweden. 

All those interested should write immediately to Dr. Davis at 489 Ocean 
Avenue, West Haven, Connecticut, for further information, since the number 
who can go is limited. 

Mr. Johnson. I have one further amazing example, Mr. Clardy, 
that I would like to give to the committee. It purports to be a letter 
from one Daniel James, theoretically a sailor in the United States mer- 
chant marine, written to Christ, dated Murmansk, U. S. S. R., May 
10, 1942. This is a photostat from the Protestant, pages 38 and 39 in 
the October-November issue of 1942. The article purports to show 
that all is milk and honey in Russia, and that in Russia is the new 
rebirth of freedom and religious purity such as is associated with 
Christianity. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Chairman, I have this document in my hand 
marked "Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 30," and I offer it in evidence 
at this time. 

Mr. Clardy. It will be received, even though it is almost a sacrilege 
to bring it into the record. 

Mr. KuNZiG. It certainly is. 

(The article from the Protestant, October-November 1942, appear- 
ing on pages 38 and 39, was received in evidence as Manning Johnson 
exhibit No. 30.) 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 30 

(The Protestant, October-November 1942, pp. 38 and 39) 

Meditation At Murmansk 

Daniel James was on the "Lahaina" when she was torpedoed in the Pacific^ 
spent 10 days in an open boat before reaching land, immediately shipped on 
another boat to Murmansk. That boat was bombed continuously for 10 days by 
German airplanes. It was after this experience and while Murmansk was under 
hourly bombing that the following letter was written. 

Murmansk, USSR 
May 10, 1942 
Dear Christ : 

After your death new continents and lands were discovered. Cities grew and 
man's mind grew with them, and learned to comprehend many of nature's mys- 
teries. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2249 

Great churches made of carved stone and stained glass, small humble churches 
of wood and clay, and the church out in the clearing with a stump for a pulpit, 
they were all used as places to pass on to others your teachings. They called it 
Christianity after you. Man today, however, is still pretty much the man you 
knew. Christianity, since your time, has been through hard straits as well as 
periods in which it flourished. In some countries it became too powerful ; all 
meaning and thought behind your teachings was lost, and in your name, Jesus, 
fraud, lies, murder, promotion of schemes to rob honest men of their bread and 
to keep them ignorant, promotion of schemes to create war and betrayal, they 
were all committed in your name. Millions of good people have been deceived by 
the Church. "Through our Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ * * *," an expression 
it uses ; behind those words plans that made poor working men starve and inno- 
cent children to learn evil and hatred, were veiled. 

My home is in America, a relatively new country, one that was discovered 
only 400 years ago. Tonight, and for a little while, I'm living in Soviet Russia, 
a land 5,000 miles from home. The whole world is at war now. Twenty-five 
years ago the world was in another war. When the dust of battle had cleared, 
the world looked and saw a new Russia, one in which there was no church . . . 
I was taught to believe that this land of Russia was a pit of hell, in which men 
starved, children walked in bare feet, and women were reduced to the level 
of some gear in one of our new machines. It was a Godless country in which 
people walked the streets with sad and hungry faces. 

The teachers, the newspapers, and friends did not tell me the truth. It is 
a Godless country in that the Church is not recognized as it is in other places 
and your name is not used as a screen for evil. These people call their gov- 
ernment Communism. In your doctrine I see a marked similarity to the con- 
stitution of these people. You, Christ, were the first to really preach the brother- 
hood of man. You were the first Communist. There have been many real Com- 
munists since your time. They were individuals. Here the great masses are 
composed of Communists. A woman is as good as a man here. One was the 
Captain of a ship that came in today. Another is directing the men who are 
unloading the ships. The people have the necessities of life such as food, a 
home, and clothing. Luxuries they lack because of the war. All walk and work 
with determination as though they were going someplace and had a real job 
to do, one that is their own, one affecting themselves. There is singing and 
laughter such as one would find among a contented people. All in all, one can 
say that these people have something to live for and they know it. 

The rest of the world has been taught and bred to hate Communism and to 
associate the word with savagery, butchery, barbarism, hunger, and human de- 
gradation. And the very word implies man living with man as brother living 
with brother. 

Well, Jesus, I've written about enough. I just thought that you would like 
to know that since your death, while you have been crucified in many countries 
and on many pulpits, far worse than that time on Calvary Hill, your spirit has 
been reborn in a great people whether consciously or unconsciously. They do not 
speak of you nor is your name mentioned. All you have is the great happiness 
of seeing carried out your principles of brotherhood and justice among men on 
earth. May the rest of the world's workers lift up their eyes to Russia. 

So long, 

Daniel James, 
Sailor in the U. 8. Merchant Marine. 

Mr. Johnson. I would like to submit to the committee an article in 
the Protestant entitled "Poison Well and the Dean's Book," in which 
they advocate all ministers should read the dean's book; that is, the 
Red dean, Hewlett Johnson, entitled, "The Soviet Power." 

Mr. KuNziG. I have this document marked "Manning Johnson 
Exhibit No. 31," Mr. Chairman. I now offer it into evdence at this 
time. 

Mr. Clardy. It will be received. 

(The article, Poison Well and the Dean's Book, from the Protestant, 
was received in e\ddence as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 31.) 



2250 COIVIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 31 
(The Protestaut, October-November 1941, pp. 10 and 11) 

Poison Well and the Dean's Book 

Our ministers are one of our important opinion-making groups. They get 
their information necessarily and much of their viewpoint from newspapers and 
magazines and books. 

When the news is poisoned at the source, as for instance the news of Russia 
has been poisoned at the source during the past 20 years, the result is tliat our 
ministers all innocently and unwittingly have been giving their people false news 
and views. 

That is why we have recommended that the Dean's book, The Soviet Power, be 
read. The chief cry against the Dean's book is that it leaves out the dark side 
of the Russian picture — the ruthless purges, for instance, of those the Russians 
said were traitors but our organs of news and views said were simply anti- 
Stalinists. 

Now, criminally late, along comes Joseph E. Davies, who was American ambas- 
sador to Russia and who attended the treason trials in person. He confesses in 
the American Magazine (Dec.) he was wrong about them. He says he "missed 
the boat." He says they were treason trials. He says that through them the 
traitors and fifth columnists were weeded out in time. He says this is "the real 
story behind the Russian purges — and one of the chief explanations for the 
magnificent Russian resistance to the Nazi juggernaut." 

So those who have been hiding the Dean's book behind the bookcase can bring 
it out into the open now and read aloud the liberating truth that is in it. It has 
sold well over a million copies although this is not mentioned in the best seller 
lists. Read it. Pass it on. It clears the fog of the past two decades. It shows 
us Russia and it shows us ourselves. We will send you a bundle of 20 copies for 
the very low price of $1. 

Mr. Johnson, I would like to offer to the committee for their 
consideration a letter written by Anna Louise Strong to the editor 
of the Protestant, in the October-November 1941, edition. Anna 
Louise Strong, as you know, was editor of the Moscow News and was 
for years one of the most active agents for the Communist Inter- 
national. 

Mr. Claedy. Yes; we have considerable evidence in our records 
about her. and so do other committees. 

Mr. Doyle. Was her father Josiah Strong, a preacher? 

Mr. Johnson. Her father was a minister, I think, somewhere out 
in Nebraska. 

Mr. KuNziG. I have this document marked "JNIanning John.«;on Ex- 
hibit No. 32," Mr. Chairman, and offer it into evidence at this time. 

Mr. Clardy. It will be received. 

(The letter written hj Anna Louise Strong in the Protestant, Oc- 
tober-November 1941, was received in evidence as Manning Johnson 
Exhibit No. 32.) 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 32 

(The Protestant, October-November 1941, pp. 105 and 106) 

Letters to the Editor 

I was delighted to read in this morning's paper of the statement that 1,000 
Protestant clergymen have made about the U. S. S. R. 

I wonder whether you are aware of the extent to which the whole question 
of religious freedom is especially being used by the Vatican to force the country 
open to its missionaries. * * * Ever since the Tsar fell, and the Orthodox 
Church lost its strong political-religious head, the Vatican has hoped to annex 
the Orthodox Church. It has been training large numbers of priests especially 
for the purpose ; some of them are already in the German-occupied areas. They 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IX THE NEW YORK AREA 2251 

have a centuries-old dream of uniting the two great "Catholic" branches of the 
faith under Rome. 

What prevents them is the fact that Soviet law grants freedom of "worship" 
to the individual but no freedom of "propaganda" to the hierarchy ; it does not 
allow foreign missionaries to come in. Soviet citizens may worship as they 
like, and their right to so worship is implemented by granting them the free use 
of church buildings, etc., etc. However, the legal ownership of these buildings 
is vested in the municlpalit,y, and not in the hierarchy ; citizens get them in 
pursuance of their "right to worship" as citizens, and not as a result of any 
particular brand of faith. 

Therefore the Soviet property law acts as a decentralizing influence on the 
church, and prevents any hierarchy from using its control of property to 
enforce control of creed. This was from the first the chief cause of the fight 
between Kremlin and Vatican. * * * Today, the Vatican wants the right to 
send in missionaries, maintain parochial schools, etc. * * * A very small use 
of funds and personnel would "revive" a lot of rather moribund old churches, 
whose congregations find it hard to support their priests. Their pressure, plus 
outside world pressure, might even be used to revoke the property law and give 
the Vatican control of buildings. 

You will note that the Archbishop of Canterbury is not pushing the crusade 
for religious freedom. The Church of England has good fraternal relations 
with the Orthodox Church and doesn't want these complicated by a sudden influx 
of high-powered missionaries and funds from Rome. 

Anna Lotjise Strong. 

Nexo York, N. Y. 

[We are glad to have this word from Anna Louise Strong, but must correct its 
correction slightly. She says that "Soviet law grants freedom of 'worship' to 
the individual but not freedom of 'propaganda' to the hierarchy." Not only from 
the hierarchy does the Soviet law withhold freedom of propaganda but from anti- 
hierarchical (even antiecclesiastical) Baptists, most of whom are devoted sup- 
porters of the Soviet regime. There may be a reason for this, but of the fact 
there can be no doubt. 

I recently spoke to a large meeting of Armenians in New York. These Armen- 
ians were all small merchants and therefore not sympathetic to communism. 
Yet there was unanimity among them in the conviction that the Armenian 
Church was flourishing in Soviet Armenia. This state of affairs was attributed 
by the speakers (including an Archbishop) to the fact that their church is in 
no degree involved in political ambitions. — K. L.] 

Mr. Johnson. I have another article here from the Protestant 
which gloats over the passage of the atomic power from the "West to 
the East and is smug over the fact that Russia stole the atomic bomb, 
and the article speaks also in favor of Mao against the United States. 
It is in the January-February-March issue of 1950 of the Protestant, 

Mr. KuNZiG. I have this document in my hand and have it marked 
"Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 33," and I now offer it in evidence, 
Mr. Chairman, at this time. 

Mr. Clardy. It will be received. 

(The article from the Protestant, January-February-March 1950, 
was received in evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 33.) 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 33 

(The Protestant, January-February-March 1950, vol. VIII, No. 6, pp. 4-6) 

Tito and the Balance op Power 

Louis Adamic is one of the returning travelers from Yugoslavia (he is a native 
Yugoslav) who have become champions of Tito in his defection from the Russian 
side of the world struggle. 

In his paper Trends & Tides Adamic says he tried to get into Russia and told 
the Russian oflScials that he wanted to visit the Soviet Union before going any- 
where else because "in the making of peace her responsibility was equal to 
America's." Yet Adamic admits that the Unites States is "the world's greatest 
povp'er." Power carries responsibility. The greater the power the greater the 



2252 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

responsibility. Therefore Russia's responsibility in the making of peace cannot 
be equal to America's. 

Another admission by Adamic: "* * * without her (U. S. S. R.'s) existence 
■Communists could not have so much as dreamed of a revolution in Yugoslavia." 

An even more primary fact should be faced : The Soviet Union has been in a 
state of siege through the whole of her existence right down to the date on which 
you read these words. True, her influence and power have grown through the 
years. She is however, even with China and the bomb, not yet strong enough to 
balance the world coalition against her. 

When that day of balance arrives, and not before then shall we have the 
conditions necessary to begin to make order in the world. These conditions will 
be such a close approach to equality, industrial and military, between the two 
power blocs that one side will not be tempted to attack the other. 

Since at present the preponderance of power is on the American side it is 
obvious that the cause of peace is set back by each further accession of power to 
that side. That is why the defection of Tito to the American side is such a blow 
to peace. 

For we are still living in an era of power politics in which unbalance or pre- 
ponderance of one power group is latent war. Our destruction of Hiroshima was 
an act of war against Russia, to push her out of the Pacific. Our seizure of the 
Pacific bases was an act of war against Russia, the act of a power so awe-inspiring 
that the rest of the world, including Russia, opened its mouth and said nothing. 

The defeat of Germany, Italy, and Japan and the Civil War in China left great 
power vacuums. The allies of Russia, suddenly turned enemies, tried to fill these 
vacuums. Up to date they have control of Italy, Japan, and two-thirds of 
Germany. China they missed out on, but it will take time for China to get 
herself industrially organized. So that preponderance of power as of this instant 
remains with the American coalition. 

In other words Russia is not yet free from her state of siege. Her enemies 
are quick to take advantage of any opening. Their aim is clear. It is called 
containment. It is really elimination — destruction. Their organizations of 
espionage are constantly on the lookout for vv^eak spots in the ring of Russia's 
friendly nations. They prepare sabotage and defection. They bribe. They 
corrupt. They stir up counterrevolution. 

It was Chesterton who said that the principal objection to a quarrel is that it 
interrupts an argument. It is too bad that the United Nations Assembly could 
not be the scene of an argument between Vishinsky and the Yougoslav Bebler. 
But the premise of such an argument has been undermined. The premise of 
argument is mutual respect. Tlie Russian people respect the Yugoslav people, 
but they cannot respect a regime which Truman and Bevin are using against 
Russia, the only bulwark defending that same Yugoslavia from counterrevolution 
and conquest by Capitalism ! 

TWO JUSTICES 

The war today is a war between two justices. One is Capitalist and the 
other is Communist. One calls itself Christian and holds property sacred. The 
other calls itself materialist and holds human beings sacred. The war between 
these two is seen clearly in Italy where peasants are taking away property from 
big landowners and dividing it up among themselves. This is the ending of a 
long and fruitless argument. This is a difference resolved by force. 

And right here the same thing should be noticed that Adamic noticed about 
Yugoslavia and that Mao Tse-tung proclaimed about China. This thing could 
not have happened unless the Soviet had built a backlog of power behind it. 
Here is an example, one of many, of how the moral power of the Soviet Union 
is growing. The Gasperri government is moving to relieve land hunger in Italy 
in answer to the moral challenge of Communism. 

This kind of thing is happening all over the world. Right here in America 
there is a recent quickening of a long-lapsed movement to redress color discrim- 
ination. In this movement we are being forced by world public opinion to answer 
the challenge of the Communist victory over color discrimination. We say : 
Christianity theoretically knows no color discrimination. Shall we allow Com- 
munists to be better Christians than we are and to shame us before the 
non-Christian world? 

So we are morally paced by the Communists ! 

The same thing will some day happen to our "property justice" which protects 
the exploitation of labor for profit. This too will go on the defensive when the 
news gets out that people can enjoy life without exploiting each other. When 
this happens the war will be at an end. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2253 

But today there is only force majeure, call it bullying if you like. Vishinsky 
said, "I hit you with facts, you hit me with votes." At last, however, one of 
Vishinsky's facts talked the language that bullies understand: Russia joined 
the ranks of the atomic powers. We have dealt with the meaning of that event 
in another place. 

It takes time for events to work out their moaning. And no one can predict 
exactly how they will work out. The important thing is to hold fast to the basic 
realities. In a world struggle such as is going on today, in which for the first 
time in recorded history there is a real chance for a great revolution to resist 
the tides of counterrevolution and "stay put," there is no room for any individual, 
nation, or regional group of nations to put its fate above the fate of the world. 

Let us never forget that the infant Spanish Republic was murdered in its 
cradle before the Soviet Power had tempered her steel in a terrible war and had 
become a great world power. 

Capitalist "civilization" sided with the murderers, took the risk of helping 
them perpetrate their crime because Russia at that time was in no position 
to prevent it. If you ask Mao Tse-tung why the Capitalist nations didn't do 
the same job on the Chinese Republic, he will tell you that it was because the 
Soviet power was absent from no battle of the Chinese Revolution, no skirmish 
however small. Not by sending soldiers or arms, but by being in the world, a 
strong threat to the political abortionists. 

It is Soviet Power which protects the integrity of Poland and the other peo- 
ple's governments today. It is Soviet Power which no whit less protects the 
Yugoslavs, as too it protects China and all the revolutionary peoples of Asia. 
The United States is, as Walter Lippmann says, "not in a position to overthrow 
Mao Tse-tung * * * to defend Hong Kong or to seal the borders of Indochina, 
Siam, and P>urma. * * * Any attempt on our part to rely on military power — 
particularly when we cannot exercise it in the area concerned — can result only 
in the destruction of our influence." 

There it is from a conservative who keeps his head on his shoulders. Don't 
interfere where you can't interfere. But he doesn't quite come clean with the 
why. That "why" is Soviet Power, the same "why" the new Chinese Republic is 
born and thrives. That is what Mao says. 

Perhaps it is not too late for the Yugoslavs to realize their mistake in letting 
go of the rock on which they founded their federation. Somehow, at whatever 
cost, they must get back there where they started. 

Mr. Johnson. That ends that part of it. 

Mr. Clardy. Let the record show we shall recess at this point until 
9 : 30 a. m. tomorrow. 

( Wliereupon, at 4 : 22 p. m., the hearing recessed to 9 : 30 a. m. Tues- 
day, July 14, 1953.) 



INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE 
NEW YOEK CITY AREA— PAKT 8 

(Baf^ed on Testimony of Manning Johnson) 



TUESDAY, JULY 14, 1953 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the Committee on 

Un-Aivierican Activities, 

Washington^ D. G. 
executive session^ 

The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
met, pursuant to adjournment, at 10 a. m., in room 225-A, Old House 
Office Building, Washington, D. C, Hon. Kit Clardy presiding. 

Committee members present : Representatives Kit Clardy and Clyde 
Doyle. 

Staff members present : Robert L. Kunzig, counsel. 

Mr. Clardy. Proceed, Counsel. 

Mr. Kunzig. All right. 

TESTIMONY OF MANNING JOHNSON— Resumed 

Mr. Johnson. I have here an article in my hand from the Protestant 
entitled "God and Starvation — a True Story by Cedric Belfrage." 

Mr. Kunzig. Is that the same Cedric Belfrage who appeared before 
this committee in New York in May of this year and took the fifth 
amendment, refusing to answer questions as to whether he had given 
espionage material to the Russians during the war as charged by 
Elizabeth Bentley in public testimony ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes. 

Mr. Clardy. May I interject? As I recall, we asked him some ques- 
tions about his writing in the magazine in question, the Protestant, 
and I think he took the fifth amendment on that also. 

Mr. KuNziQ. Mr. Chairman, I have that in my hand, a photo- 
static copy of the article, entitled, "God and Starvation — a True 
Story," marked "Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 34," and I ask that 
same be admitted into the record. 

Mr. Clardy. It will be received. 

(The article, God and Starvation — a True Story, from the Prot- 
estant was received in evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit No. 34.) 



' Released by the full committee. 

2255 



2256 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 34 

(The Protestant, October-November 1941, pp. 66-75) 

God and Starvation — A Teue Story 

(By Cedric Belfrage) 

" — Hefner vpent away." 

[CJondensed from two chapters of South of God, the Life of Claude Williajms, 
by Cedric Belfrage ; Modern Age, New York] 

"Yes . . . but it's my job to minister to all people. I can't take sides." 
"But don't you see that by your very silence you are taking sides? Siding tcith 
mealtli and property against the multitudes for whoru the Nas:arene stood?" 
« * ***** 

There was a strike in Fort Smith, Ark. Relief workers there had been getting 
30 cents an hour and averaged 2 or 3 days' work a week. Some were only doing 
12 hours a week. The funds to create these jobs came from Washington, but the 
administration of the work was in the hands of State authorities, under a 
governor who was a planter. These authorities had advised Washington that 
southern workers did not need as much relief as northern workers; they were 
used to wearing less and eating less. The rate of pay had to be fixed so low that it 
could not tempt the cotton slaves away from the plantations. And now the 
miners' union contract was about to expire; and it was planned to cut their 
wages again ; but in order to force the miners to take this cvit, relief -work pay 
had also to be reduced. The relief workers were told they would now receive 
20 instead of 30 cents an hour. It was the last straw, and they declared a 
strike. 

The strike leader was a miner named Horace Bryan. There was a Govern- 
ment official there appointed to investigate destitution in the State. This man's 
name was Rev. Claude Williams of the Presbyterian Church. 

Bryan one day went to the jail to demand release of a striker who had been 
illegally arrested. Instead of releasing the striker they locked Bryan up with 
him. 

On the day before Bryan's trial Claude led a great hunger march through 
the streets of Fort Smith. Whites, Negroes, Mexicans, and Indians marched 
behind him singing hymns. The people of property in Fort Smith watched the 
faces of the marchers as they went by singing, and smelled trouble. The faces 
of the marchers said they were hungry even more plainly than the banners they 
carried, but the people of property saw only a band of cutthroats menacing law 
and order. It looked like revolution, and the word tightened the lips and 
hardened the hearts of all good citizens. 

The court was so jammed for the trial of Bryan that the architect of the 
court house was called in to announce it might collapse if some people did not 
leave. Nobody left. Nearly all the people in the court were strikers. They sat 
very quiet and silent. To ease the tension the judge offered some humorous 
and sarcastic remarks, but nobody laughed. Sweat beaded his flat brow and he 
looked increasing uneasy. Claude was summoned as a witness, but was put on 
trial as if he were accused with Bryan. 

The judge seemed to feel the atmosphere was not right for passing sentence 
on Bryan, and the verdict was postponed over the weekend. Bryan was allowed 
free on bail. After the session Claude applied to the judge for permission 
to hold a Sunday afternoon service for the strikers there in the court house. 

"I know it's an unusual request. Judge," he said, "but it would give these 
people something to do to prevent violence. It is bitter cold outside and they 
have nowhere else to go. It would keep the struggle on a high ethical basis." 

"You can keep your struggle on a high ethical basis in the ball park," said the 
judge. "But I'd advise you to leave these men alone." 

Claude held his service in the ball park. It was not actually freezing, but the 
great crowd of strikers who came to worship and hear Claude preach were sooa 
blue with cold, for they were half naked. The sheriff, mayor, and judge came 
with detectives and policemen and stood on the crowd's edge, snugly overcoated. 
The strikers, white and black and brown, prayed and sang together. The re- 
spectable ministers of Fort Smith had refused to attend the service, but five 
lowly lay preachers cooperated with Claude. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2257 

A Negro preacher led the people in prayer. Claude preached on the text: 
"Wherefore criest thou unto me? Speak unto the children of Israel that they 
go forward." He said that it was the strikers' unshaken solidarity, not the fear 
of violence, that was giving the respectable citizens of Fort Smith the jitters. 
After the service he tried to speak to the sheriff and police to make them under- 
stand the peaceful intentions of the strikers. They walked away and would 
not speak to him. 

Next afternoon another hunger march was arranged. The strikers planned to 
meet for prayers in a field on the edge of the city, then march across town. In 
the morning the mayor sent a message that there must he no march. 

There was in effect a declaration of martial law. The strikers sent word back 
to the mayor: "This is America. We can march. If there is any law against it, 
it is unconstitutional." 

The mayor telephoned that gas bombs would be thrown to disperse any march, 
and hoses would be turned on the people. Claude replied that they would all be 
glad to take a bath together. The mayor said : "If this march is attempted, there 
will be bloodshed. There will be murder." 

Then Claude telephoned the police, telling them the route of the march and the 
number of marchers, and asking for protection. The mayor, he said, had 
threatened violence, but there would be no violence from the marchers. They 
intended to shed no blood. 

"There isn't going to be any march," the police chief said. 

"We're going to attempt it." 

"And we'll attempt to break it up." 

"That is probably to be expected." 

The strikers assembled, and Claude spoke to them from an improvised plat- 
form, on which an American flag had been placed. 

A poor preacher led the people in prayer. As they stood with bowed heads, a 
line of police cars drew up. The police chief with some men charged on to the 
platform, pushing the prayer leader and Claude to the ground, and knocking the 
flag askew. 

"Watch out for that flag !" said Claude. 

"To hell with the flag ! It's you I want." 

Claude urged the strikers : under no circumstances, whatever might be done to 
them, must they let themselves be provoked. If the hose was turned on them 
they must walk right through it. They must not carry so much as a pocketknife. 

Claude, Bryan, and the others were piled into a police car filled with guns and 
gas bombs. A policeman was clutching Claude with trembling fist as if he were 
some dangerous criminal. 

At the jail the men who had been arrested for praying on the public street to 
the God of the poor asked to see the warrants for their arrest. The police officials 
looked at them as if to warn them this was no time for the funny stuff, and put 
them into cells. 

Claude and Bryan were in a 14-by-lO foot cell with 6 others who introduced 
themselves as Mike Chibuski, Dennis Rome, Frank and Demas Ray, .Tack Brown, 
and Jimmle Reynolds. The boys were already used to jail routine and passed 
the time playing poker and talking sex. One of them had syphilis and another 
had gonorrhea. 

In a corner was a nouflushable receptacle, encrusted and undisinfected, for 
the use of all the guests. Some of the bunks were bare and some had filthy, 
sour-smelling pads and blankets. Lying about the floor were tin cups and spoons 
which, Mike Chibuski said, were passed down through the years without clean- 
ing. The floor was dirty and the unventilated cell was full of stifling dust. 

Later another guest arrived in the cell and reported what the boys were say- 
ing around town : that the vigis would be calling at the jail at 2 in the morning 
to take Claude and Bryan for a ride into Oklahoma. 

It sounded not improbable, but there was nothing they could do about it. 

Claude woke in the grey dawning and was surprised to find he was still there. 
Joyce was allowed to see him during the morning. She told him through the 
bars that their house had been raided during the night by the police who had 
warned her of worse to come. The whole city was a piece of tinder, she said, 
ready to flare up at the drop of a pink hat. People were acting as though pos- 
sessed by devils. 

In the afternoon Bryan was taken to court and sentenced to 6 months and a 
$500 fine. Then Claude and the others were called and charged with barratry, 
and their bail set at $1,200 each. The judge managed to crack off several good 
jokes during the brief business. 



2258 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Bryan was put in another cell, and Claude felt alone and depressed. Joyce 
had said she would be back before evening and she had not come, and he Kept 
thinking of the way the police had threatened her. His fears for her and tlie 
children combined with the uncertainty of his own position, wondering when 
the vigilantes might come to take him out for a ride, made sleep impossible. 

The dawn came grey and cold and he was still there. He had not slept at nil 
and he felt dirty. He needed a shave, and in order to get it he had to let the .jail 
barber use on liim the same razor he had been using on the syphilitic. He was 
allowed to take a bath, without any towel, in a filthy bathroom. He complained 
of the conditions to the sheriff, but the sheriff looked oddly at him for a minute 
and said he could not do anything. 

The day wore on. His attorney came with Joyce and said that during the 
night two of the relief workers who were trying to lead the strike had l)eeu 
taken for a ride by masked men, and threatened with lynching. 

When he was brought into the courthouse the building was filled with a great 
crowd of overalled workers with dirty, weary, hungry faces. All the people 
who had gathered for the hunger march were there, and hundreds more. They 
covered the courthouse square and steps, filled the lobby and the staircase lead- 
ing to the courtroom. Against the walls squatted Negroes and Indians, who 
had been waiting since early morning to see their preacher. 

The sight of the great crowd lifted Claude's spirit. The sheriff, whose breath 
was perfumed with whiskey, went through the press of Negroes and white trash, 
kicking them aside to make a lane. 

The courtroom was packed tight. The flat-headed .iudge, wearing a red tie, 
sat back in his chair and dribbled from the corners of his mouth. Forty or 
fifty vigilantes were packed in on either side of him. The jurymen were hard- 
bitten types, lean and vindictive looking. 

Tlie preacher looked about to see if any of his fellow ministers had come, but 
he saw only Rabbi Teitelbaum sitting near the front. A quick look of under- 
standing passed between him and the rabbi, who was evidently suffering, aware 
of his impotence. 

The court would not try the group of arrested men together. Chiude was 
taken first. He was public enemy No. 1 in Fort Smith. 

A feeling of calm settled upon him and that queer detachable part of himself 
flew up into the rafters and looked down impersonally on the scene, laughing. 
The trial was a buffoonery. The workers in the body of the court sat very still. 
The faces of the jurymen were hard like granite, except when the prosecuting 
attorney found some especially vile thing to say about Claude, when they nudged 
one another and grinned knowingly. The judge comfortable on his throne with 
the vigilantes about him, sneered humorous asides from time to time. 

Delighting in his role of defender of the faith against a devil in priest's 
clothing, the prosecuting attorney dramatized himself with shouts and stamping. 
There was little chance for Claude to say anything, but when he could, he 
answered the fantastic questions with dignity and wit. 

After 2 or 3 hours of it night had fallen, and there was a recess. One of the 
vigilantes walked up and down many times shaking his head and staring at 
Claude, as if to say : "We've got you where we want you now." The workers 
crowded past him and stood 10 deep at the rail, reaching for the preacher's hand 
and calling out: 

"Hi, Preacher ! Good work ! Keep it up." 

Claude strolled inside the rail, shaking their hands and joking with them. 
Finally the judge banged his gavel and shouted humorously : 

"Reverend Doctor Mister Williams! Will you set down? These ipeople have 
been mighty good so fur and I don't want you stirring them up !" 

The court would not allow any relevant evidence at all to be presented. It 
might as well be gotten over with quickly without bringing others into it. 

No defense witnesses were called. The jury found him guilty of barratry 
in less than 10 minutes. He was sentenced to 90 days and a $100 fine. 

Claude appealed the case and went back to jail with the sheriff. There was 
nothing to do but wait for his bond to be raised and accepted. 

He had kept up his spirit in court, but tlie jail was beginning to get on his 
nerves. The dirt and the stink of excrement and the talk of some of his cell 
mates, degraded by brutish social forces, nauseated him. The thought of his 
children, who might be without food and certainly were in danger, would not 
leave him. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2259 

During the night a mad boy in the next cell began to do some extraordinary 
imitations of birds and animals. The prisoners yelled at him to stop, but he 
persisted, and linally Claude hi^ard the jailers go in and beat him. The mad 
boy was silent after that, but it was impossible to sleep. The boy's cries rang 
in his ears. 

As he had left the courthouse he had been able to sense the tension in the 
crowd ; he had read the vigilantes' faces and heard them nnitteriug threats, and 
he knew they were liable to come any time. They might be afraid to lynch 
him because of the inllueiilial friends they knew he had outside the State, and 
because he was a minister. But if the mob frenzy were great enough, such 
considerations would not stop them. His life hung perhaps in a scales and 
it was just a question whether hysteria or caution tipped the balance. 

Another dawn, and Claude was still unlyiiched. He began to think this danger 
was iiassing and maybe soon he might be able to have some sleep. 

When be bad i)een there 2 weeks and the authorities were still making dif- 
ficulties about bail, Claude decided to try and call the local nunisters' hand. He 
was a minister officially in good standing, shut up in a cell on a technicality of 
the law ; a mere $1,200 bond stood in the way of his liberation ; yet not one 
preacher of Christ in Forr Smitli had so much as come to the jail. Rabbi Teitel- 
baum had come, he had heard, to ask whether bail had been arranged. Accord- 
ing to Joyce, only one intluential man in the rabbi's congregation had been able 
to save him from violence which the citizens wanted to visit upon him for this 
action. Teitelbaum, the Jew, was risking much to act like a Christian. 

Claude asked his lawyers to call the ministers to the jail to see him. None 
came save Hefner, who as moderator of the Presbytery could not refuse the plain 
request. He was embarrassed at the meeting. He had never been inside a jail 
before and knew nothing of what went on. Claude asked him whether he could 
not help in the bonding matter without involving himself. 

"I don't know," Hefner said. "There are so many angles to it. I cannot 
sympathize with agitators. I don't see what they hope to accomplish, striking 
against the Government when they are on ?harity. It isn't a minister's place to 
lead strikes and stir up hatred. He must be a friend to all." 

"But we were in prayer when they arrested us. It was not we who stirred 
up trouble." 

"Yes — but it's my job to minister to all people. I can't take sides." 

"P>ut don't you see that by your very silence you are taking sides? Siding with 
wealth and property against the midtitudes for whom the Nazarene stood?" 

Hefner went away. 

By the 18th day, with his friends outside still working feverishly to bail him 
out, the jail was getting Claude seriously down. The noises and smells were 
like knives cutting deep into his brain, and he could not keep the cell walls from 
closing in on him to crush him; the sensation was so sharp that he almost 
cried out. 

A drunk had been brought in that evening and, to add to the din, he was yelling 
a mad song. The jailer went to a woman's cell, and everyone listened to the 
sound of the rubber hose on her body until her shrieks died away. 

It was the last night of Claude's postgraduate course in the pain of the despised 
and rejected. They took the woman out on a stretcher in the morning, still un- 
conscious. Soon afterward Claude's bail was paid and Joyce took him home. 

Legends about the Red preacher spread fast. A Paris friend of Claude's came 
into Fort Smith some days later. He went to see the judge who had finally 
allowed the bond, and asked where Claude was. 

"He's gone," the judge said. "We think he ought to be in hell, but we can't do 
a thing to him. He's got friends all over the world. I've a stack of telegrams 
that high on my desk from his friends all trying to meddle in Fort Smith affairs. 
******* 

Mr. Jonxsox. That is an article about Claude Williams whom I 
knew when I was a member of the Communist Party, as a Communist. 

Mr. Cl.\rdy. That is tlie Reverend Claude Williams^ 

Mr. Johnson. Yes ; that is right. 

Mr. KuNziG. As long as we are on this subject, can you give us a 
bit of information from your own persotial knowledge about Rev. 
Claude C. Williams? 

33909— 53— pt. 8 5 



2260 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Mr. Johnson. Yes. Rev. Claude C. Williams was a member of the 
Communist Party during the period that I was a member. He organ- 
ized what was knoAvn as the People's Institute of Applied Eeligion, 
an organization that was set up for the purpose of using the Scriptures 
as a means of inciting social rebellion; that is, the culling from the 
Scriptures of certain passages which could be interpreted to justify 
rebellion against the social system. 

He did that in a very devilish way in the sense that he tried to 
show that the Blessed Savior was a carpenter and a worker, and he 
rebelled against the conditions during His day, and that they should 
follow in His footsteps and rebel against social conditions in our day. 

In other words, he used the story of our Blessed Savior as a means 
to promote atheistic communism and revolution in the South and 
throughout the country. 

Mr. Clardy. I have noticed that that same technique is being em- 
ployed or has been employed by a number of others who have had 
their works brought together by a gentleman I shall leave unnamed 
at this juncture in the hearing. 

Mr. Johnson. That is quite correct. 

I have here a copy of the Daily Worker, Friday, July 10, 1953, in 
which there is one of the most sacrilegious cartoons of our Blessed 
Savior I have ever seen, and this is the type of cartoon that Claude 
Williams used to use to illustrate his lectures. 

Mr. Clardy. It seems incredible that that would be printed as 
recently as 4 days ago, this present time. 

Mr. Johnson. That is in connection with the admission that many 
ministers have joined with them in the defense of Communists and 
the signing of petitions and sponsoring front organizations that were 
set up by the Communist Party. 

Mr. Clardy. Am I not correct in saying that this is a copy of the 
cartoon that appeared in the first or early issue of the Protestant 
Digest or in connection with advertising that magazine ? 

Mr. Johnson. I do not recall. 

Mr. Clardy. The reason I ask is that the language beneath the 
picture — the picture may not be identical, but the language beneath 
it has a vague resemblance in my mind to something I have read about 
the things the Protestant used in advertising itself in some fashion 
or another in the early days, portraying Christ in the manner that you 
have indicated. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EN THE NEW YORK AREA 2261 



BiiiU? tp«,rlf«r. New York. Friday, July 10. 19.'>3 PaCe 5 



REWARD 

Tor I Nro«»>^/i'»»C'i« iCtOf^c To »wf APP«fH£NviON or — 




licsus Christ 



WaHTCO - rftl^ ScOtTfONi, CRV»A»rs<AL Akakck^t - 

Vagrancy, amo CoNSPmrKt to Ovkp.throvw thc 

t&TABLI^HCA G0WCRN»^eNT 

DRCS&CS POORtV. SAtp TO ec A CARPENTER BY TRAPt , ILL- 
NOURISHCO, HAS VISJONARV tCCAS ^ASSOCIATES with COMMON 
WORKING PCOPU TMC UNi-KPcOVeD AND BUMS. AutN — 
0CLEIWE^ TO 6e A JEW ALI^S ! * PRlNCe OF PfACE , Son ©f 
MAN'-'LlftMT or THE WOftlB ' &C «C PROfE^SIOW KL AGITATO R 

Bed beard, mauks ch nf^nti '^no felt thc rssult of 

INJURICS INFVItTEO 6Y At4 AN&f^Y MOB ttD BV (RESPECTABLE 
CITIZCNS AND tCSAC AUT«C«LlT»tS . 



2262 COMJVIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YOKK AREA 

Mr, Johnson. Yes. AYell, they do that in their articles. They use 
religion as a cover for the promotion of antireligious and materialistic 
communism. 

Mr. KuNZiG. I think even more interesting, Mr. Chairman, is the 
editorial, Freedom of Religion, on page 5 of the Daily Worker of 
Friday, July 10, 1953, just a few days ago, right next to the cartoon, 
which argues in favor of freedom of religion. This is indeed an odd 
argument coming from the mouth of the Daily Worker and from the 
mouth of the Communist leaders of America. The article states that — 

It will be a bad clay for America and for America's children and their chil- 
dren's children if the McCarthyite attack on the churches and the freedom of 
religious conscience is permitted to proceed. Fortunately, thei'e is every indica- 
tion that the ministers will fight back. 

As a matter of fact, I think the record should show what an incredi- 
hle thing it is that this type of statement comes in an editorial from 
the Daily Worker, which has done everything possible to destroy reli- 
gion throughout the Avorlcl; when the Daily Worker is in support of 
something, methinks we should question it. 

Mr. Clardy. Well, of course, there is no doubt about the fact that 
one of the principal aims of the Communist Party is to destroy the 
church and all faith in God and in religion as such, but I am appalled 
to think that a newspaper of any kind would perpetrate such sacrilege 
as this cartoon. It is just beyond belief. I do not know how they 
can think or hope to convert people to their thinking when they have 
such things as this. I note, however, that this committee gets honor- 
able mention, as usual. 

Mr. KuNziG. I should like to introduce this editorial and the cartoon 
as Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 35, and I now offer it into evidence, 
Mr. Chairman, at this time. 

Mr. Clardy. It will be received. 

(The editorial. Freedom of Religion, and accompanying cartoon 
on p. 5 of the Daily Worker, Friday, July 10, 1953, were received in 
evidence as Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 35.) 

Manning JoHNso^f Exhibit No. 35 

(Daily Worker, July 10, 195.H, p. 5) 

Freedom of Religiox 

A Famous Cartoon of that great American artist. Art Young, portrayed a 
poster offering a "'Ileward — for information leading to the apprehension of JESUS 
CHRIST . . . Wanted— for Sedition . . . Conspiring to Overthrow the Estab- 
lished Government . . . Dresses poorly . . . has visionary iileas, associates with 
common working people, the unemployed and bums . . ." (See cartoon in adjoin- 
ing column.) 

What brought this cartoon to our mind is the new McCarthyite drive against 
the integrity and independence of the church, and siiecifically against a number 
(the estimate is 7,000) of Protestant ministers, by the House Un-American 
Committee. 

Rep. Donald L. Jackson announced Wednesday that every preacher "identified 
as a Communist" by one of the miserable stoolpigeons parading before his 
infamous group will he "called to testify." 

To what depths has our nation descended if this threat can be carried out! 

What a field day for reaction, for fascism, when every minister is persecuted 
who in response to his own conscience spoke out for the ethical principles of 
Christianity as he saw them. Here will come the minister who denounced uni- 
versal military training, he who called for brotherhood of Negro and white, he 
who spoke for i)eace and ending war in Korea, for peaceful coexistence l^etween 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2263 

the Soviet Union and our own country. Here in the white-hot ghire of tlie klieg 
lights, in the witness chair, will sit the preacher who urged as a Christian gesture 
clemency for the Rosenbergs, or amnesty for the Communist leaders. 

Here indeed will come the ministers — and to their everlasting credit, their 
iiunit)er is legion — who in fact did nothing more than reject McCarthyism as 
inconsistent with Aineric;in traditions. For what they were asserting was the 
self-evident fact that Itelween Christianity and fascism there can he no common 
ground. 

And it is this undeniable principle which lias enraged Joe McCarthy and his 
rt'iiegade aid, J. 15. Matthews; which has angered X'elde and tlie un-Americans, 
.iust as 20 years ago it maddened Adolph Hitler and resulted in his repres.sions 
against the church. 

The principle of a free conscience, of the right to worshij) — or not worship — 
as one sees tit, is sacred and innnemorial. It is not only inscribed in our Bill 
of Rights, but is graven in the hearts of the American people. 

Ii will be a bad day for America and for America's children, and their chil- 
dren's children, if the McCarthyite attack on the churches and the freedom 
of religious conscience is permitted to proceed. Fortunately, there is every indi- 
cation that the nuiusters will fight back. It is to be hoped that their congrega- 
tions will give them the fullest support. 

Even more important, we hope that labor an<l the trade-union movement, 
recognizing the freedom of religion as basic to all that is truly democratic, will 
come forward and with its united strength strike down this newest threat to a 
hallowed American institution. 

Mr. Doyle. May 1 ask, what is the Reverend Claude AVilliams doing 
now? What is his official position, if any? 

Mr. Johnson. I am not familiar with his present activities. 

Mr. Krxzui. Yon spoke a mintite a^o of the People's Institute of 
Applied Religion, as headed by the Reverend Claude Williams, who 
was also former head of Commonwealth College in Mena, Ark. Did 
you know or have any contact at any time w^ith one of the sponsors of 
the Peo]:)les Institute of Applied Religion by the name of Max 
Yergan ? 

Mr. Johnson. I did. During the time that I was a member of the 
Communist Party. Max Yergan was a member of the Communist 
Party during the i)eriod of my membership. 

We used to hold Communist Party fraction meetings in the head- 
quarters of the Committee on African Affairs on 40th Street in 
the city of New York. These were fraction meetings of the top 
fraction of the Communist Party operating inside of the American 
Negro Labor Congress. 

I also have here the names of the officers, State directors, and 
sponsors of the People's Institute of Applied Religion, and I should 
like to present them at this time to the committee. 

Mr. CixARDY. Not as a list of Communists, but as a list of the officials 
and sponsors of the People's Institute of Ai)plied Religion, with the 
understanding that those that have been definitely identified by the 
witness are the only ones of which we can speak as to their Communist 
connections. 

Mr. KuNziG. That is correct, sir. 

I am looking at this list at the present time, and I have marked 
it "Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 36," and with your permission, sir, 
I should like to offer this into evidence as Manning Johnson exhibit 
No. P>() for the purpose only of putting in the record the names of the 
officers. State directors, and sponsors of the Peoples Institute of Ap- 
plied Religion. 

Mr. Clardy. It will be received. 

(The document referred to was received in evidence as Manning 
Johnson exhibit No. 36.) 



2264 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 



Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 36 




APR 10 1942 

■rklPAKi tl TMI WAY Of IMt ftOHIi CAST Uf. CASt UP THI HlftHWATi 
6AIMf» out THI STONIS: LIFT Vt A $IANDA«0 fOU TBI PEOHI." ISAIAH ililO 

PEOPLE'S INSTITUTE of APPLIED RELIGION 



313 SOUTHIAST FIRST STREET 



EVANSVILLE 



INDIANA 



J»Mlt lUTMII ADAMl 
tllAHOI C. ANOtlSON 
PftANk C. ■AHCtOFT 

Cfloiic ictrtAttt 

WAllll • lltttMAM — 

HIMtlITT* eUCfMA$TH — 
tiCHAlD COW'OIT — 
MAlt A. DAWII« — 
MALCOLM C.OOItl— 
JAMIS OOMtlOWHI-- 
JOlirH P. ILI'CHlt — 
HIRMAM C. MAMM— 
CLIZA I |TM H I t t IH«— • 
yOMM »A«l JONII-^ 

C. IICWAJIO lUCM — 
JOHN MOWLAHO l.A^M■0^— 
HOWACO It 1*^ 

^KCMMC^H LlStll-- 
CMAlLIS tlfcMtlOO*"" 
OONALO lOfHtO'^ 
40t*H A. M,,CALIUM — 
C. ». M.«LINMAM-" 
Paul « . MAC »*^ 
HAIOLD P. MAIlIt-- 

$r A H L ^1 WATTHiWl'- 

mPIaNCIS i. M«CONHIll — 
H. lUtNITT u*6iWDFI " 

»JACK «. MtWICMAIL. Ji — ' 
CLTOI i. MlLLlt- 
JOJIPM 6 UOO>l 



L I I T O N 



port 



,NIILL POTIAT- 

•IITH* C. iltNOLPl- 

Wlt SVDNlll tNOW' 

•.WIIII4W  iP0»»OtD- 

«IU'*M W*ll*CI lUlU**** - 
ALVA W. TArtOi' 
JOHN f. THOMPSON- 
CHANNINfi H, tOIIAS- 
WIILAID I. OPHAUS- 
««I|6CI1 VL«S*01- 

.MAttr ' . WAID- 

I.TND WAiD' 

C»<*PLIt C. Wlllll' 

OWIN H. WHiTfllLD- 

StDNII  wilLIAMi- 

CHAltlS C WIIJOM- 



•M A I 



I I • A N^- 



flllO LIACIftS 
A . I . C ^ M P I I I i-* 

a lilt 0. (HUMPtir- 

iONAlD L. W|(T' 

• I o • • ; » 

LAwaiMCI iAT' 

OCLaMOma 

WILLIAM L. •LACiSrONI" 

OAMICk C. WliLIAMt' 
H , • 1  O W  ( 

WIlllAH DitftlV 

HAitr Koect- 
LIONAHe M. sill* 



'CLAUDE C. WILLIAMS 

D t   C 1 O I 

_il^ WINIFRED L. CHAPPELL 

PIILO IIPIItaHfAflVf 

wEDNA JOYCE KIN6 

OPPICI tICttTAIt 

April 9. 19'»2 



Hr. Max Bedacht 
Intnrnatlonal "orkers Order 
__ 60 Fifth A»e, Now York 

' Dear llr« Bedaehi- 



A* yau suggaatf I am putting Into tirlting b; request for a con- 
tribution froB the International *orkera Order, tonard the t^OO 
that the forthconlne ' Institute" of the People'a Institute of 
Applied religion alll cost> 

I eneloae a program ( which you ea« In another form) and *lth It 
a little ItC'S IfO of our diacuaslon leaders at thle Inatltute. 

I eneloDO also a general communleution from Olaude Vllllama, Director 
of the People'a Inetitute; and a letter from one of our rural preuch- 
ert) illustrating how the program gets into action among the people 
toward the ends that we uo earnestly aeek« 

The Dixie emagogues use the Bible among the religiously-.condltloned 
folk of the " Bible Belt" toward unoocial ends. 

The People'a Institute Is using the Bible-- legitimately— to lead 
the people tosard Democracy* 

You will see by the letterheud that most, though not all, of our 
sponsors are church Icudars" It is the firm conviction of Claude 
tllllana that the church people, sinio the 8hrteti«n ^hurch'haa been 
the chief tinner in nronoting unti-Semitism should bear the respon- 
eibility of aupportir.?; finaiiciall) our work »hich is directed 
against atiti- ^ecitism und raciso:* 

But aa a mekber of the r*0 und one «ho knows itjbroad social Interaet, 
1 am taking the liberty o/ uppeuling to you for help. 

1 oanthmiik of ns tore uaoful place to invest a little money than 
in thio institute fron which — as from each of our former oneo- 
»ill £0 men vho »ill. use their Bibles to«ard meeting the brei^d- 
ttr.d..meit proble^ of Ihe people; und toward leading them in 
the effort for national unity ogsinat Hitler and Hltlerism, abroad 
and here ' 



Since re lyq> 



t. Chappell ' 



*inifred i.. ''happe 

1J6 E 17, New York, N.Y. 
0r5-9a51. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2265 



;Mi'. Clakdy. I think it has vahie in demonstrating that these 
movements have drawn into them some good people along with those 
that we know to be Communists. 

Mr. KuNziG. You will note the name of Dr. Harry Ward is on 
there. 

Mr. Clardy. Who has been identified as a Communist. 

Mr. KuNziG. There are the names of Jack McMichael, who has been 
identified as a Communist; Winifred Chappell, and others. 

Mr. Clardy. Also Max Yergan. 

Mr. Johnson. I would like to mention in this connection that the 
People's Institute of Applied Religion was one of the most important 
Communist-front operations operating in the South, because in order 
to get around the difficulties that stood in the way of a Communist 
organization of a rebellion in the South, the}^ used religion as a cloak 
to reach the masses of the South who lived by the Book and believed 
in the Book, taking as they did scriptures from the Bible and twist- 
ing them around in order to incite social rebellion in the South. 

Mr. Doyle. May I ask this, is Rev. Claude Williams a Negro or 
white? 

Mr. Johnson. White. 

Mr. Doyle. About what proportion of this list of persons that 
Mr. Kunzig identifies here as Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 36, are 
Negro or white? 

Mr. Johnson. I do not know. 

Mr. Doyle, The reason I ask that is because you specified they 
were working in the South. 

Mr. Johnson. Yes; they were working in the South, using the 
religion to stir up 

Mr. Doyle. I know you stated that, but I am interested to know, 
because they were working in the South, what their policy was to 
using Negroes or whites. 

Mr. Johnson. Both Negroes, whites, Mexicans, all nationalities in 
the South. 

Mr. Doyle. ^Vl^at is the status of this People's Institute of Applied 
Religion now? Is it still in existence, and active? If not, when 
did it stop ? 

Mr. Johnson. I do not know exactly when or if the institute was 
discontinued. I do know that during the period of my membership 
in the party 

Mr. Doyle. Have they been active since you stopped being active? 

Mr. Johnson. I am not in a position to state. 

Mr. Doyle. Did you know of it being active after you stopped being 
active in the Communist Party ? That is a plain question. Do you 
know of any incident where it functioned after you stopped being 
active in the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Johnson. I am not aware of any of its activities after my 
leaving the party. I am only testifying in connection 

Mr. DoTLE. Do you know of any activity after you left the Com- 
munist Party of the People's Institute of Applied Religion, or has it 
been dead several years? That is what I am asking, as far as you 
know. 

Mr. Johnson. Just a moment. I might have something on that. 



2266 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Mr. Doyle. I think it is important, Mr. Chairman, that we have 
the status of this. 

Mr. C^^^RDY. Yes; if the witness knows. Of course, he has indi- 
cated that his knowledge ended as of the time he ceased being a mem- 
ber, but if he does liave something, I would like to have it in the record. 

Mr. DbYLp.. I just kind of assumed that the witness' interest in 
Conmiunist activities has continued, or he would not be liere today. 

Mr. KuNziG. Off the record. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

Mr. Clardy. Witness, rather than your going through that volumi- 
nous file at the moment, let us move on to something else and come 
back to that later. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, before we leave this point I note that 
the name Harry Ward has appeared in so many of these various 
organizations and groups. It seems as if there is almost an interlacing 
tieup of one to the other, not in any one particular religious sect or 
denomination, but through various sects and denominations. Have 
you any comment to make on this situation ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes; I have. 

Dr. Harry F. Ward, for many years, has been the chief architect for 
Communist infilti'ation and subversion in the religious field. 

Mr. Clardy. That, you think, explains why we find his name turn- 
ing up in practicallj^ all of the Communist-front or Communist 
organizations. 

Mr. Johnson. Absolutely correct. 

Mr. KuNziG. ]Mr. Johnson, when we were discussing the magazine 
Protestant Digest, later called the Protestant, you testified that it 
generally followed the Comnumist line throughout the years. How, 
do you know, were they tipped off with regard to this Communist 
line? How would they know what to write about? 

I ask this question because I know just this morning, to bring the 
matter down to date, that the Daily Worker finally commented on 
the fall from grace of Beria. It took them 3 or 4 days to find out 
what the line was, and until they found out, they did not dare print 
anything, so where did the magazine such as the Protestant Digest get 
their line? 

Mr. Johnson. The line comes down from Moscow to the Politburo 
of the National Committee of the Communist Party and from the 
Politburo of the National Committee of the Communist Party it 
goes doAvn to the Communist Party fraction in the many front organi- 
zations of the solar system of organizations of the Communist Party 
and the Communist fraction inside of each of these organizations 
carries out the line. That is how the line comes down from Moscow 
to the lowest organization of the Communist Party. 

A clear indication and example of how the Communist Party policy 
in the religious field is handed down and reflected in the Protestant 
Digest and in all of the other activities of the Comnumist Party in the 
religious field may be clearly illustrated in an article by Raymond 
Guyot, who was a leader of the Young Communist International and 
a member of the Communist International, writing in the Young 
Communist Review in September 1939, on the subject, I quote : "The 
Communist Discusses Christianity." 

This is the most revealing article on how to exploit Christianty, 
brotherhood, the peace sentiments, etc., among religious people to 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2267 

convince them of the need of accepting the policy of the program of 
the world Communist movement. 

Mr, Clardy. Do you care to have that marked as an exhibit ? 

Mr. KuNziG. Yes, Mr, Chairman, I have it marked as "Manning 
Jolinson Exliibit No, 37," and I should like now to offer it into 
evidence, 

Mr, Clardy, It will be received. 

(Article, A Communist Discusses Christianity, from the Young 
Communist Review, September 1939, was received in evidence as 
Manning Johnson exhibit No. 37.) 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 37 

(Young Commuuist Review, September 1938, pp. 8-10) 

A Communist Discusses Christianity 

THE ADDKESS TO THE COMMISSION ON RELIGIOUS AND PHILOSOPHICAL BASES OF PEACE 

AT THE SECOND WORLD YOUTH CONGRESS 

(By Raymond Guyot) 

I am very glad to find here a number of prominent members of Christian or- 
ganizations who tooli part in the Third Commission at Geneva, The Third Com- 
mission is called Commission C here, but its work is the same. 

Terrible evils — above all, war — are threatening and already ravaging mankind. 
In face of these, Young Communists throughout the world have shown a spirit of 
understaudiiig which has won praise. Neither denying nor underestimating that 
which may or does divide us, we have nevertheless placed in the foreground that 
v.'hich may unite us, and through this we have made it possible to carry on joint 
activity to save manliind from the shame of retrogression and destruction. 

The experience of 2 years has been conclusive. Life has given an affirmative 
answer to the statement that "it is impossible to reduce these positions to a 
common ideology. But that does not prevent youth of all opinions from collabo- 
rating for the defense of peace," (Report of Geneva Congress — IlIrd Commis- 
sion, p. 18G.) 

The religious world, and, I may add, the leaders of the Church in ever-growing 
numbers, are henceforth convinced of the sincerity of the Communists when they 
offer their cooiieration in face of the common danger. 

Thus our sincerity, our loyally, our efforts to reach an understanding authorize 
us to init a question in our turn, a question that might be formulated in this way: 

"Does not the refusal to take the hand stretched out by the Communists mean 
in reality acquiescence in the triumph of violence and war in the world?" 

I fell (sic) sure that the doubts and confusion are going to disappear once and 
for all, and that cooperation is going to make still more decisive progi-ess. And 
the reply that we shall give to the issues raised at this Congress will depend a 
great deal on this point of view, I would like now to make my modest contribu- 
tion to this noble cause. 

We think that the highest good, demanding the ultimate loyalty of all human 
beings, consists in the happiness of mankind. The Comnnmists affirm that the 
haiipiness of mankind is identified with the collective building of a peaceful life 
Avhich will allow the free and far-reaching development of the individual per- 
sonality. Sncli a life is possible only in a society where there is no exploitation 
of man by man. For the Communists, the happiness of mankind is a conquest, 
demanding sacrifices that mankind is forced to make in a war of conquest. Our 
heroism is of a \ ery different nature from the so-called heroism of the warmakers. 

Man's happiness and the means of attaining it have been the goal to which all 
that is best and most proiiressive in mankind has aspired. 

In our day, too, progressive individuals and groups are striving after the 
happiness of mankind and, under one form or another, identifying this ideal with 
the highest good. This should he considered as a very important position shared 
hy Communists and by other progressive forces in the world today. 

The aggressions uideashed by those who may be called the instigators of war 
constitutes the gravest attack upon the welfare of mankind, not only as regards 
its immediate results, but also as regards its future. 

33909— 53— pt. 8 6 



2268 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AEEA 

The World War of 1914-18 did not contribute anything to the happiness of 
mankind. On the contrary, it destroyed 10 million human lives, ravaged vphole 
countries and swallowed up immense riches. 

With regard to the question of patriotism, we should draw a distinction : there 
is a so-called patriotism, one of the (sic) ideological forms of fascism, which, 
preaches war in order to bring other countries under its yoke. We call this 
"false patriotism"— chauvinism. In reality, there is only one patriotism which 
is true and healthy and which, established on the rights of nations to inde- 
pendence, will tolerate no attack on the independence of its people. Chauvinism 
turns its back on the happiness of mankind. For chauvinism there is no highest 
good "common to all human beings." The chauvinism of our day places in opposi- 
tion to the moral principle of human happiness certain subhuman principles: 
brute force as "the absolute good," and racial theory as "the only truth." 

In the name of these principles chauvinism "which has now found a crude 
form in fascism" is trying to create a war psychology among the younger gen- 
eration whom it influences by "educating it" to scorn all that is not "my race" 
and "my war strength." 

The healthy sentiment of patriotism "which has nothing in common with 
chauvinism" may — under certain circumstances — condition the action of nations 
and individuals. Has a country threatened by or subjected to aggression the 
richt to mobilize the resistance of the people on the basis of patriotic feeling? 
Clearly it has the right. And in using this right it is not betraying its loyalty 
to the" highest good, but on the contrary affirming this loyalty. In defending 
their national independence, the Ethiopians, the Spanish and the Chinese, filled 
with love of their country, are working for the happiness of mankind. Indeed, 
in these cases the happiness of mankind is threatened with annihilation for the 
Ethiopians, the Spanish and the Chinese— that is to say, for a considerable part 
of mankind. While those who are seeking to annihilate it are those very persons 
who believe that force in its most brutish form and pride of race in its most 
repulsive aspect, constitute the highest good. 

In summary : 

(a) A highest good — the happiness of mankind — unites all progressive 
forces, whatever their religion. 

(b) Chauvinism cannot govern the action of individuals without destroy- 
ing loyalty to the highest good, which consists in the happiness of mankind. 

(c)'The healthy sentiment of patriotism, when a nation defends itself 
from aggression, is in accord with loyalty to the highest good. 

Solidarity, devotion to the common welfare of humanity, is interpreted by us as 
the old rule of human solidarity— all for one and one for all. 

The youth cannot remain indifferent to the fact that in consequence of the 
war policy of Germany, Italy and Japan, hundreds and thousands of people are 
Shedding their blood in Spain and China, and among them large numbers of 
young men and women. Youth must know for whose benefit the war is being 
waged. Is this war being waged for the benefit of progress and culture, in the 
name of the emancipation of the human personality, in the name of a new life 
of happiness for all human society? 

No, this war is being waged in the name of an imperialist policy. War is 
taking place because r^ascist Germany, Italy, and Japan are seeking to conquer 
new colonies and to enslave more free nations. The Catholic youth will realize 
that this is true when considering the occupation of Austria, to which fascism 
has brought nothing but servitude and oppression. They will realize it in con- 
sidering the words of the Fascist leaders themselves. 

What have the wars in Spain, Abyssinia, and China brought? The wars have 
Irought death to peoples and the massacre of defenseless women and children. 

This war has brought outrage to the human personality. 

War destroys culture and all the progressive achievements of mankind. 

In spurning all notions of freedom of thought and faith, of the sacred tradi- 
tions of mankind, the Fascist aggressors are destroying everything that human 
culture and progress have built up. They do not even hesitate to make use of 
churches for their ends. . 

The war carried on by the Fascist aggressors brings extermination ot the 

highest good, of the free personality. 

The peoples of Spain and China are fighting not only for their independence 
but for world peace, and the need for the international solidarity of all peace- 
loving humanity becomes daily more evident. 

The principle of solidarity must therefore be applied in the interests of 
peace and justice. 



COMJVIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2269 

Solidarity cannot be abstract. It must be concretized in action. Today the 
active solidarity of peace-loving youth towards the victims of the war must have 
two aims : 

(1) Bring pressure to bear on the governments in order to bring to an end 
the injustice which deprives Republican Spain (victim of the Italo-German 
oppression) of the possibility of procuring means for her defense. 

(2) Humanitarian aul for the victims whose lot has aroused the deepest emo- 
tion throughout the civilized world : the women and children. (Sending of milk, 
medical supplies, warm clothing, shoes, etc.) 

What we Communists call solidarity coiTesponds more or less with what 
Christianity calls charity. We do not wish to enter upon a critical discussion 
with the Christians on the different content of the two principles, but on the 
contrary to find out the basis common to both. Christian charity, for instance, 
goes out to tlie weak, to the victims of injustice, to the persecuted. This is suffi- 
cient to draw Christian charity towards the Spanish people, the people of China 
and Abyssinia. 

THE BASIS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

The report of the Ilird Commission of the Geneva Congress affirmed that 
"moral standards must regulate the relations between nations" (Report of the 
Congress, p. 187). 

We agree with the Christian youth that moral standards must regulate the 
relations between individuals and between peoples. In the moral doctrine of 
Christianity we find a whole number of principles that we Communists not only 
accept but are constantly endeavoring to carry out. The heroes of our move- 
ment who are making enormous sacrifices for their opinions, who are stoically 
supporting the most terrible persecutions and defending in face of the ferocious 
tribunals of fascism, in face of torture and death, their convictions, are the 
living symbol of communism. Since the persecutions of the Christians of old, 
no movement has suffered such terrible persecution nor borne them with such 
stoicism as the revolutionary working-class movement. Evei'yone must acknowl- 
edge this moral firmness and endurance, this absolute self-abnegation, this 
moral greatness in the martyrs of our movement. 

Christianity preaches the freedom and diynity of the human 'personality. 

We Communists unreservedly accept this principle and consider as one of our 
highest tasks to defend the liberty and dignity of the human personality against 
all oppression, servitude, or outrage. 

Christianity preaches equality of all men in God's sight. 

We Communists are fighting for the equal rights of all men and all peoples, 
for their right to freedom of thought and faith, for a social regime which will 
guarantee equal possibilities of development for everyone, regardless of their 
origin, sex, or nationality. 

Christianity preachs [sic] love of one's neighbor. 

We Communists believe in love of our fellowmen and are fighting for it, for 
such a love tends to ensure the maximum happiness for the maximum number 
of persons. We mean by the term happiness not only material welfare but also 
the joy of labor, a far-reaching education, the development of every capacity, 
cultivation of the arts and sciences, the pursuit of noble human aims, the senti- 
ment of collectivity, and the knowledge of filling the right post and of contributing 
to the common good. We Communists encourage that solidarity which lifts man 
out of his own "self" and binds him to give effective help to his brothers in 
distress. 

Christianity demands that all should aspire to moral perfection. 

We Communists are fighting for the perfection of the human race, against the 
oppression and humiliation of the human personality under capitalism, against 
the stupefying, degenerating effects of poverty and servitude, of race hatred and 
persecution between peoples, of the deep-rooted immorality of ruling society. 
We strive to lay the foundations of a harmonious and far-reaching development 
of the human race, of a world in which man's social qualities will vanquish his 
brutish instincts. 

And so we reply affirmatively to the question : "Is it possible to establish a 
common moral basis which will offer a solid foundation for international law?" 
AVe find that the moral principles of our movement and the numerous moral 
demands of Christianity have something in common which can offer a solid foun- 
dation of international law. In face of fascist barbarism and the imminent 
danger of war it is necessary, in our opinion, to develop everything that is 
common to us and to put aside all that divides us. 



2270 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Mr. Johnson. It is interesting to note that the Protestant was pub- 
lished 60 days after that line was handed down, 

Mr. Clardy. You mean tliat in this article in exhibit 37 we have 
a prescription for the magazine, the Protestant Digest? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct, that is what I mean. 

Mr. Clardy. And would you say further that when the Protestant 
Digest commenced publication that it thereafter adhered to the gen- 
eral lines outlined in this article? 

Mr. Johnson. It did. It reflected the line of that article in all 
of the subsequent — in its first and all of the subsequent editions. 

Mr. Clardy. Then would you say that the institution of publica- 
tion of the magazine Protestant Digest was a concrete example of the 
way in which the party line is handed down from Moscow and finally 
put into execution down in the lower ranks? 

Mr. Johnson. Of course, Mr. Chairman, it is to be understood 
that tliere were deviations from this policy, but these were only inci- 
<lental. They did not in the least destroy the most important aspects 
of the line which the party wanted to carry out in the religious field. 

Mr. Clardy. What you are saying, as I understand it, is that from 
time to time they may have some little variation, some little contradic- 
tion for the purpose of lulling suspicions to sleep, but generally they 
followed the party line as handed down from above. 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. 

Now, I would like to show you the Daily Worker of January 15, 
1953, in which there is an article, the subject matter of which is, "161 
Protestant Church Leaders Ask Truman To Grant Amnesty to the 
Communist Eleven." 

Mind you, these were the 11 Communists that were convicted for 
violation of the Smith Act, and they submitted the names of 161 
Protestant Church leaders to President Truman with the statement 
that if President Truman did not grant them amnesty, that they 
would go to President Eisenhower and demand of him amnesty for 
the 11 Communists. 

Mr. Clardy. I think that should be marked, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. KuNziG. It is marked "Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 38," and 
I offer it into evidence at this time. 

Mr. Clardy. It will be received. 

(The article from the Daily Worker, January 15, 1953, was received 
in evidence as Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 38.) 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 38 
(Daily Worker, January 15, 1953, p. 8) 
IGl Protestant Church Leaders Ask Truman to Amnesty Communist "11" 

One hundred and sixty-one church leaders representing 15 major Protestant 
denominations laid before President Truman at Christmas time their appeal 
for amnesty for 11 leaders of the Communist Party convicted under the Smith 
Act, it was made known this week. 

Release of tlie letter to Truman with its signers was made by the Rev. Eld- 
ward D. McGowan, minister of Epworth Methodist Church, Bronx, N. Y., one 
of tlie 10 cler^'yuien who initiated the appeal. Rev. McGowan stated that, if 
yffiiiiiation action is not taken l)y President Truman, a similar appeal will be 
I)iesente(l to Gen. Eisenliower when he becomes President. 

Seven Bishops of the I'lotestant Episcopal Church are in the list of signers, 
including one of the letter's initiators, the Right Rev. Normand B. Nash of 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE NEW YORK AREA 2271 

Massachusetts, as well as Bishop Arthur W. Womack of the Colored Methodist 
Episcopal Church and Bishop G. W. Taylor of the Reformed Zion Union Apos- 
tolic Church. 

Among the signers are 12 clerics who are professors in theological schools 
or universities, and an eciual nnnii)er of national officers, state and district 
superintendents in several denominations together with the executives of local 
church federations. The majority on the list are parish ministers of 15 de- 
nominations in 33 states. 

A BASIC RIGHT 

The church leaders declared in their appeal that conscientious advocacy is a 
basic democratic right and the glory of a free society. The letter contends : 

"Many Americans feel that imprisonment for conscientious advocacy is not 
only incompatible with our whole philosophy of government but is an indica- 
tion to countless observers abroad of lack of confidence in our American institu- 
tions." 

Citing a long tradition of Presidential amnesty for political prisoners, the 
church leaders appealed to the President "in the spirit of Christmas and in 
harmony with justice" to exercise his executive power in granting amnesty to 
the Communist Party leaders in jail, that they may return to their wives and 
children. By the exercise of amnesty "we shall be stronger in the eyes of the 
world," the appeal concluded. 

SIGNERS 

Among the prominent signers are : 

The Right Rev. Reginald Mallett, Bishop of Northern Indiana (Protestant 
Episcopal) ; the Rev. Albert W. Palmer, former Moderator of the Congrega- 
tional Christian Clnirches ; Dr. Wilbur E. Saunders, i)resident of Colgate-Roch- 
ester Divinity School ; the Rev. Forrest C. Weir, executive director of the Church 
Federation of Los Angeles; the Rev. Abbott Book, executive director of the Nortli- 
ern California-Nevada Council of Churclies ; the Rev. C. C. Adams, secretary o{ 
the Foreign Mission Board of the National Baptist Convention, Inc. 

Also : The Rev. Albert Buckner Coe, Superintendent of Massachusetts Con- 
ference of Congregational-Christian Churches; the Rev. Lewis H. Davis, district 
superintendent of the New York East Conference of the Methodist Church ; the 
Rev. Prof. Nels F. S. Ferre of Vanderbilt University, Nashville; the Rev. Prof. 
Kolland E. Wolfe of Western Reserve University, Cleveland ; Dean J. H. Satter- 
white of Hood Theological Seminary (African Methodist Episcopal Zion), 
Salisbury, N. C. ; the Rev. Prof. John Oliver Nelson of Yale University Divinity 
School. 

Also : The Rev. John Haynes Holmes, Minister-emeritus, the Community Church 
of New York ; the Rev. Guy Emery Shipler, Editor of The Churchman, and the 
Rev. William B. Spofford, Editor of The Witness ; the Rev. Harold A. Bosley, 
First Methodist Church, Evanston, 111.; the Rev. J. Raymond Cope, First Uni- 
tarian Church, Berkeley, Calif.; the Rev. John Howard Melish, Church of the 
Holy Trinity, Brooklyn ; Dr. Henry Neumann, Ethical Culture Society, Brooklyn. 

Also: The Rev. Calvin C. Ellis, Louisville, and the Rev. James A. Jones, 
Durham, N. C, both ministers of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church; 
the Rev. William B. Clemmer, Board of Publications, Disciples of Christ, St. 
Louis; the Very Rev. Paul Roberts, Dean of St. John's Cathedral (Protestant 
Episcopal), Denver; the Very Rev. Louis M. Hirshon, Dean of Christ Church 
Cathedral (Protestant Episcopal), Hartford, Conn. 

INITIATOBS 

In addition to Rev. McGowan and Bishop Nash, the initiators were: 
The Rev. Raymond Calkins, nationally prominent Congregational minister; 
the Rev. Prof. Massey H. Shepherd, Jr., of the Episcoiial Theological School, 
Cambridge, the Rev. John Paul Jones of the Union Church of Bay Ridge (Presby- 
terian), Brooklyn; the Rev. Dana McLean Greeley, Arlington St. Unitarian 
Church, Boston; the Rev. Charles A. Hill, Hartford Ave. Baptist Church. 
Detroit. 

Also: The Rev. Kenneth de P. Hughes and the Rev. George L. Paine, Prot- 
estant Episcopal ministers of Cambridge and Boston and the Rev. Shelton Hale 
Bishop of St. Philip's Church, New York. 



2272 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

Mr. Clardt. I note in passing, Witness, that this documents what it 
says by actually listing the names of the 161. My query is this : Do 
you recognize among those who have signed members of your race as 
well as my own ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes. 

Mr. Clardy. I have a further question. Since the publication of 
that article in January of this year have you anywhere run across any 
statements made by any of these gentlemen disavowing the facts as 
published in the Worker? 

Mr. Johnson. No; I have not. I have heard of them attacking 
everyone else, but I have never heard them attack the Daily Worker 
or the Communist Party about putting their names in its gutter sheet. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, you do not mean you have heard about all of 
them doing that. You have heard of some of them. 

Mr. Johnson. Well, I mean I have heard some of them make state- 
ments, some clergymen make statements against the committees that 
are investigating communism and so forth and so on, but I never have 
heard any of them come out and speak in favor of this investigation or 
to speak against the Communist gutter sheet for publishing their 
names. 

Mr. Clardy. I have looked it over, Witness, and I recognize a num- 
ber of names of persons who certainly fall in the category you are 
talking about, because, having made some independent investigation 
myself — for example, I see the name here of Rev. Guy Emery Shipler 
as an outstanding example of what I mean. 

Mr. Johnson. I would like to call your attention to an article in the 
Daily Worker, Tuesday, May 12, 1953 ; the subject of the article or the 
news item being, "Urges Churches Help Defend Negro Leaders." 

Now, this article deals with an organization that the Communist 
Party has set up to defend Negro Communist leaders. Now, the chair- 
man of that committee is Reverend McGowan. He has called upon 
the national Fraternal Council of Churches to help in this fight. This 
committee concerns itself with defense of persons like Henry Winston, 
Ben Davis, Paul Robeson, and all other Communist Party leaders and 
Communist Party fellow travelers who find themselves in difficulty as 
a result of their work against our Government in the interest of an 
alien power, namely, Russia. 

Mr. Doyle. How do they raise their money to finance that work? 

Mr. Johnson. They raise their money through contributions, col- 
lections, and, of course, other sources. 

Mr. Doyle. Do they have a staff of lawyers under retainer, do you 
know ? 

Mr. Johnson. The party has always had staff lawyers who have been 
available for years. A number of them have been members of the 
Communist Party, fellow travelers, or under Communist Party disci- 
pline. These lawyers the party has always been able to draw on to 
give the legal representation necessary for all of these fronts. 

Mr. Doyle. Are they paid, do you think, generally ? 

Mr. Johnson. They are paid by the front organizations that they 
serve. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, you mentioned yesterday that 2,300 
clergymen had signed a petition, at least as so listed in the Daily 
Worker, to save the Rosenbergs, and that this petition was presented 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2273 

to President Eisenhower. Does it lie within your knowledge whether 
any such protest was made at an earlier period of time to Mr. Truman 
when he was President of the United States? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes. According to the January 14, 1953, edition 
of the Daily Worker, there is a feature story declaring, and I quote, 
"1,500 Protestant pastors ask Truman to save Rosenbergs." 

Mr. Clakdy. The article names some of them, does it not? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes; it does. It gives a list of the ministers who 
signed the petition. 

Mr. Clardy. If the Daily Worker is to be believed at all then, they 
put in more than lialf as many on the petition they presented to 
President Eisenhower. 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. 

Mr. KuNziG. I have this copy of the Daily Worker, Mr. Chairman, 
of January 14, 1953, just a few days before Mr. Truman left the 
White House. It is marked "Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 39," and 
I offer it into evidence. 

Mr. Clardy. It will be received. 

(The copy of the Daily Worker, January 14, 1953, was received in 
evidence as Manning Jolinson Exhibit No. 39.) 

Manning Johnson Exhibit No. 39 
(Daily Worker, New York, Jan. 14, 1953, pp. 1 and 6) 

1,500 Protestant Pastors Ask Truman To Save Rosenbergs 

Fifteen hundred of America's leading Protestant clergymen yesterday asked 
President Truman to save the lives of the Rosenbergs, Ethel and Julius. Their 
plea came soon after Dr. Albert Einstein, one of the world's leading atomic 
scientists who played a leading part in creating the A-bomb, joined Di*. Harold 
E. Urey, atomic Nobel Prize winner, in urging clemency. The date for execution 
of the two East Side, New York, parents had been set for Jan. 14. A plea to the 
President is now in the hands of the Department of Justice. Truman may act 
at any moment if he desii'es, up to Jan. 20. If he denies the clemency plea, the 
execution will take place five days later, or may be delayed possibly pending a 
final plea to the Supreme Court for a stay. 

The letter of the 1,500 clergymen added their names to hundreds of others, 
including Rabbis and priests, who have similarly asked clemency. The latest 
plea was released by Dr. Jesse W. Stitt, pastor of the Village Presbyterian 
Church on W. 13th Street, New York City. 

The letter. Dr. Stitt declared, urges President Truman, "in the spirit of love 
which casts out fear," to mitigate a punishment of "such terrible finality." He 
added that the group is not "partisan." 

"Our plea," the letter says, "does not hang on the decision of the Rosenbergs' 
guilt or innocence or the degree of their wrongdoing." 

Cosponsors of the letter, with Dr. Stitt, are the Rev. Dr. James Luther Adams, 
Meadeville Theological Seminary ; Roland H. Baintion of Yale Divinity School ; 
the Rt. Rev. Charles K. Gilbert, retired Protestant Episcopal bishop of New York ; 
Rev. Dr. Robert M. Hopkins, Golden Rule Foundation ; Bernard Loomer, dean of 
Chicago University Divinity School; Rev. Dr. O. Clay Maxwell, Mount Olivet 
Baptist Church, New York. 

Others are Robert H. Nichols, professor emeritus of Union Theological Semi- 
nary ; Prof. Paul Scherer ; Rev. Dr. Albert J. Penner, Broadway Tabernacle, New 
York ; Rev. James H. Robinson, Church of the Master, New York, and the Rev. 
Dr. T. k. Thompson, National Council of Churches. 

In his letter. Dr. Einstein associated himself with another leading nuclear 
scientist. Dr. Harold C. Urey, who had asked clemency after flatly stating that 
the testimony of the Rosenbergs was "more believable" than that of the one 
government witness against them, David Greenglass. The world-famous atomic 
scientist wrote : 

"Dear Mr. President : My conscience compels me to urge you to commute the 
death sentence of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg. 



2274 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE NEW YORK AREA 

"This appeal to you is prompted by tlie same reasons wliich wei*e set forth 
so convincingly by my distinguished colleague, Harold 0. Urey, in his letter of 
January 5, 1953, to the New York Times. 
"Respectfully yours, 

"Albert Einstein." 

Requests for Presidential clemency are pouring in from all parts of the world 
as world opinion notes that there is no evidence that the Rosenbergs ever stole 
any "atomic secret," that they ever met any Russians, or that they were guilty of 
anything except having anti-Faseist opinions. They face death solely on the 
word of one man, millions are saying everywhere. It is also nnred that this 
Jewish couple are the first ever to be sentenced to death in the history of the 
United States during peacetime in a civil court for .such an alleged crime. 

William L. Patterson, chairman of the Civil Rights Congress, urged full sup- 
port for the activities of the National Committee to Secure Justice for the 
Rosenbergs. The committee has been seeking the broadest support for clemency 
for the Rosenbergs. 

"Maintain the vigil in Washington organized by the committee," Patterson 
said. "Support delegations of trade unionists, lawyers, doctors, ministers to 
every Congressman. Man picket lines at home. These marching feet are heard 
around the world." 

Mr. Clardy. I note something else in there, Mr. Counsel, an edi- 
torial, as a matter of fact, entitled "Einstein, the Rosenbergs, and 
U. S. Labor's Duty." I note it with some interest because of what the 
noted scientist said recently, 

Mr. KuNZTG. It is interesting to note how many people will lend 
their names in such a situation, so that the Daily Worker could even 
think of coupling United States labor in together with Einstein and 
the Rosenbergs. 

Mr. Doyle. May I ask this question of the witness ? Go back to this 
Reverend McGowan. Did you ever meet him personally? 

Mr. Johnson. No, no, I have never met him personally. 

Mr. Doyle. Then you do not know if he is a Negro ? 

Mr. Johnson. No ; I do not know his nationality. I assume he is 
Irish. His name is. 

Mr. Doyle. Would it not be a digression from established policy to 
have a man that was not known as a Communist at the head of that 
sort of a movement ? You have testified that he was chairman of the 
National Committee To Defend Negro Leadership and so forth. 

Mr. Johnson. It has always been a policy to have and to use per- 
sons who are not members of the Communist Party to head such 
organizations. That gives the organization a cloak of respectability 
so that the leader can say to John Doe and to Mary Doe, "I am not a 
Communist, but I subscribe to this program. I subscribe to this 
policy," and in that way it gives weight and respectability to it. 

Mr. Clardy. Off the record. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

Mr. Clardy. Witness, you have called our attention to the fact 
that in the January-February-March issue of 1950 of the Protestant 
the Reverend S. Lautenschlager is listed as one of the editorial ad- 
visers, and I note that you have a Communist-front magazine there 
before you for October 1935, the magazine being China Today. 

Now, here is the question I would like to put to you : I note that the 
Reverend Lautenschlager is quoted in that 1935 article along the line 
of saying that it is necessary that capitalism be done away with in 
order that the future peace of the world may be insured. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2275 

Do you have any knowledge beyond that shown in this magazine as 
to any possible Communist connections or associations or affiliations 
or what have you of the Reverend Lautcnschlager? 

Mr. Johnson. I do not know whether or not he is a member of the 
Connnunist Party, but from what he says, it is the same thing the 
Communists say. He calls for the destruction of the capitalist system. 

Mr. Clardy. I note that, and I notice he talks about 

Mr. Johnson. He also talks of the capitalist system as being re- 
sponsible for wars and the situation of militarization in China, and so 
forth. 

Mr. Doyle. The Socialists said that and still say it, do they not? 
Is that not a fact? The Socialists used to say that, at least. Do they 
not still say it? 

Mr. Clakdy. a great many of them undoubtedly do. 

Mr. Doyle. Is that not a tenet of the Socialist Party ? 

Mr. Clardy. Well, not quite that way, as I understand it. 

Let me ask you another question : Was it possible for anyone to get 
into this paper China Today unless he had some sympathetic under- 
standing of the causes for which that paper was fighting ? 

Mr. Doyle. Off the record. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

Mr. Johnson. The China Today is a magazine that was brought into 
existence by the decision of the Communist International and the 
political bureau of the Communist Party of the United States. The 
policy as put forth in the articles in China Today were in accord with — 
that is, in full agreement with — the line of the Communist Party as I 
knew it during those years as a member of the national committee 
of the Communist Party and also on the other committees on a national 
level of the party. 

Mr. Clardy. Then w^ould it be a fair statement to say that because 
it was originated by the party, that nothing was permitted to get into 
its columns that did not in some way or other reflect the Communist 
Party line? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. 

Mr. Clardy. I note one thing more. This October 1935 issue speaks 
of celebrating the first anniversary of China Today. Does t,hat 
roughly correspond to your recollection as to when this magazine 
was started ? 

Mr. JoHNSO?r. Yes, it does. It was during the early part of the 
1930's, I should say around 1934, I should say, that this magazine 
was started. 

Mr. Clardy. To sum it up 

Mr. Johnson. What I wanted to bring out here is that this article, 
written by Frederick Spencer, the subject of which is, and I quote, 
"The Missionaries Must Choose," which shows that at that particular 
time the Communists were working among the missionaries to get 
them to work against the interests of our Government in China and 
for the interests of the policy of Soviet Russia in relation to China — 
for example, there are two things that I would like to quote from 
this article to indicate this. 

Tlie characteristic feature of this error, internal reaction (Germany, Italy and 
the imperialist aggression, Manchuria, Ethiopia) may be observed to a greater 



2276 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

or lesser degree, wherever the ruling capitalist elements feel themselves menaced. 
Under these conditions unless the missionaries range themselves unmistakably 
beside the progressive forces that are seeking to establish a new social order, they 
must resign themselves to the instruments, possibly involuntary or unwitting, 
of the reactionary forces that are defending the interests of the old regime. 

That is the end of the first quotation. 

In view of the close historical ties of the missions with capitalist institutions, 
it is perhaps futile to expect that the central missionary organizations can dis- 
associate themselves to any significant degree from their largely capitalist patrons 
and supporters. This does not hold true in equal measure for the individual 
missionary. The more intelligent and sensitive of the missionaries in the field 
are forced to come to grips with the underlying forces of iiuperialist exploitation 
that are racking the social fabric of Colonial countries. In some cases, at least, 
they take the position adopted by S. Lautenschlager, a Presbyterion missionary 
at Tsingtao, China, who concludes a recent article in "Fellowship" (September, 
1935, Page 1112) as follows: "Exploiting capitalism and aggressive nationalism 
are the causes of war and the real enemies of mankind. When these causes are 
abolished, the militarization of China and of the world can come to an end. To 
accomplish this, we must be more than resistors of war ; we must be positive 
workers for peace. We must become workers for the abolition of the systems that 
create war." 

Mr. Clardt. All right, Witness. 

Now, as I understand it, you have a number of other copies of that 
magazine. Am I correct that the rest of them that you have there 
follow right along with this same general line ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, they do. 

Mr. Clardy. In the interest of expedition can we sum up without 
going into detail on that that what you have read is a fair sample of 
the line of attack that the magazine uses in trying to bring missionaries 
into the Communist fold ? 

Mr. Johnson. That is correct. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Johnson, during the course of your testimony 
both in New York and here in Washington you have mentioned various 
persons known to you to be Communists, people with whom you sat 
in Communist fraction meetings during the time that you were a top 
member of the Communist Party. Are there any other names which 
come to your mind at the present time whom you can identify posi- 
tively and absolutely as having been members of the Communist 
Party ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes : Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Harry Bridges, V. J. 
Jerome, Jack Stachel. All of them were Communist Party leaders of 
national prominence. 

Mr. KuNziG. You knew them to be members of the Communist- 
Party? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes. 

Mr. Clardy. Let me interrupt. To take them out of order, Mr. 
Counsel, let us inquire a little bit about this. 

You have named Harry Bridges. Do I understand you to say that 
you have actually sat in Communist meetings with Harry Bridges ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes, I did, in New York City in 1936, and I was also 
elected to the national committee of the Communist Party the same 
year that Harry Bridges was elected to the national committee, and 
that was at the ninth convention of the Communist Party of the United 
States held in 1936 in the city of New York. 

_ Mr. Clardy. Did you attend other Communist Party meetings be- 
sides the one that you have mentioned ? 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2277 

Mr. Johnson. No, that was the only one that I attended with Harry 
Bridges because the Communist Party made certain that knowledge 
of Bridges' membership was to be restricted to a very few people at 
the top because of the strategic position he held in the ranks of labor 
on the west coast. In order to assure that the maximum amount of 
secrecy prevailed, they put his name on the list of members for the 
national committee under the name of Rossi. 

Mr. Doyle. What first name? 

Mr. Johnson. Just Rossi. 

Mr. Doyle. Not Harry Rossi or anything? 

Mr. Johnson. No, Rossi. 

Mr. Doyle. What address were these meetings held at for purpose 
of identification ? 

Mr. Johnson. Well, the national convention of the Communist 
Party was held in Manhattan Center on 34:th Street near 8th Avenue 
in the city of New York. 

Mr. Clardy. Did you exercise or did the party, I should say, exer- 
cise precautions to make certain that only Communist members were 
admitted ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes. 

Mr. Clardy. You are testifying now that you saw him at this con- 
vention ? 

Mr. Johnson. I saw him at a meeting of the Politbureau and the 
central committee that was held during the period of the convention. 
They did not bring him in as an actual delegate because they did not 
want the other delegates to know about it, but he came in and attended 
a special meeting of the central committee. 

Mr. Clardy. Which you also attended ? 

Mr. Johnson. Yes; I was present at that meeting. 

Mr. KuNziG. Of course Elizabeth Gurley Flynn is well known as a 
writer for the Daily Worker for many years. 

I will pass on to V. J. Jerome. Would you tell the committee just 
briefly your acquaintanceship with V. J. Jerome ? 

Mr. Johnson. V. J. Jerome was a member of the national com- 
mittee of the Communist Party. He was head of the cultural com- 
mission of the national committee. He was in charge of the in- 
filtration of the motion-picture industry. That was the special assign- 
ment by the Politbureau and central committee of the Communist 
Party. He wrote numerous theoretical articles for the Communist, 
the theoretical organ of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. 

Mr. KuNzio. What years did you know Jerome to be a member of 
the top committees of the Communist Partv ? 

Mr. Johnson. From 1932 to 1940. 

Mr. Doyle. What would be the answer about Harry Bridges on the 
same point ? What years did you know Bridges as a member of the 
top Communist 

Mr. Johnson. From 1936 until I left the party in 1940. 

Mr. KuNziG. Now, you mentioned Jack Stachel. Would you tell 
the committee briefly your contact and acquaintanceship with him ? 

Mr. Johnson. I worked under and with Jack Stachel for a num- 
ber of years in the party. He was one of my instructors in the secret 
National Training School of the Communist Party in 1932 where I 
was trained to become a professional revolutionist. From 1934 up 
until I left the party I worked with him on the national trade union 



2278 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE NEW YORK AREA 

commission of the national committee of the Communist Party. Jack 
Stachel was a member of the national committee and also a member 
of the political bureau of the Communist Party. 

Mi\ KuNziG. At the conclusion of your testimony here, Mr. John- 
son, could you give us a summary of the overall manner in which the 
Communists have attempted to infiltrate and poison the religious 
organizations of America wherever possible? 

Mr. Johnson. Once the tactic of infiltrating religious organizations 
was set by the Kremlin, the actual mechanics of implementing the 
"new line" was a question of following the general experiences of the 
living church movement in Russia where the Communists discovered 
that the destruction of religion could proceed much faster through 
infiltration of the church by Communist agents operating within the 
church itself. 

Tlie Communist leadership in the United States realized that the 
infiltration tactic in this country would have to adapt itself to Ameri- 
can conditions and the religious makeup peculiar to this country. In 
the earliest stages it was determined that with only small forces avail- 
able it would be necessary to concentrate Communist agents in the 
seminaries and divinity schools. The practical conclusion, drawn by 
the Red leaders was that these institutions would make it possible for 
a small Communist minority to influence the ideology of future clergy- 
men in the paths most conducive to Communist purposes. 

In general, the idea was to divert the emphasis of clerical thinking 
from the spiritual to the material and political — by political, of 
course, is meant politics based on the Communist doctrine of conquest 
of power. Instead of emphasis towards the spiritual and matters of 
the soul, the new and heavy emphasis was to deal with those matters 
which, in the main, led toward the Communist program of "immedi- 
ate demands." These social demands, of course, were of such a na- 
ture that to fight for them would tend to weaken our present society 
and prepare it for final conquest by Communist forces. 

The Communists had some small forces in the seminaries and under 
the leadership of Harry F. Ward. These were quickly augmented 
by additional recruits and siphoned into the divinity institutions by 
manipulations of Communist cells in the seminaries. This infiltra- 
tion into seminaries was expedited by the use of considerable forces 
the Communists had in educational institutions which were eligible for 
hire by divinity organizations. 

The plan was to make the seminaries the neck of a funnel through 
which thousands of potential clergymen would issue forth, carrying 
with them, in varying degrees, an ideology and slant which would aid 
in neutralizing the anti-Communist character of the church and 
also to use the clergy to spearhead important Communist projects. 

This policy was successful beyond even Communist expectations. 
The combination of Communist clergymen, clergymen with a pro- 
Communist ideology, plus thousands of clergymen who were sold the 
principle of considering Communist causes as progressive, within 
20 years, furnished the Soviet apparatus with a machine which w^as 
used as a religious cover for the overall Communist operation rang- 
ing from immediate demands to actually furnishing aid in espionage 
and outright treason. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2279 

The Commimists have an advantage in religious organizations due 
to the fact that their forces within religious groups are well organized 
as a totalitarian group which, operating as a highly mobile force, 
works unceasingly toward a premeditated program. This gives this 
destructive element a great tactical advantage over all others in the 
religious organizations who deal with religion as individuals, operat- 
ing ethics on the basis of an individual conscience before God. 

In the early 1930's the Communists instructed thousands of their 
members to rejoin their ancestral religious groups and to operate 
in cells designed to take control of churches for Communist purposes. 
This method was not only propounded, but was executed with great 
success among large elements of American church life. Communists 
operating a double-pronged infiltration, both through elements of 
Communist-controlled clergy, and Communist-controlled laymen, 
managed to pervert and weaken entire stratas of religious life in the 
United States. 

Communists in churches and other religious organizations were in- 
structed to utilize the age-old tradition of the sanctity of the church 
as a cover for their own dastardly deeds. Through Reds in religion, 
we have a true living example of the old saying: "The Devil doth 
quote the Scripture." 

The Communists learned that the clergyman under their control 
served as a useful "respectable face" for most of their front activi- 
ties. In this way the name of religion was used to spearhead the 
odious plots hatched by the agents of antireligious Soviet communism. 

Communist strategists counted the effectiveness of their forces not 
so much on numbers alone, but on the importance of individuals loyal 
to commmiism in key spots where a small group can influence large 
numbers and create havoc by controlling a sensitive spot. Thus one 
professor of divinity, lecturing to future clergymen, who in turn will 
preach to thousands of churchgoers, is, in the long run, more dangerous 
than 20 Red preachers, singing the praises of communism from the 
pulpit. 

The same can also be said of a Communist agent operating an 
important position in a church publication which reaches large multi- 
tudes of churchgoing public. One practical effect of Red influence in 
church publications is to tip off scores of pro-Soviet clergymen, who 
are only too glad to receive sermon material through the medium of a 
church publication. 

The large backlog which the Communists have in the writincr and 
journalistic field make it easy for them to infiltrate religious publica- 
tions and organize new publications representing the Communist slant 
in church circles. 

It is an axiom in Communist organization strategy that if an infil- 
trated body has 1 percent Communist Party members and 9 percent 
Communist Party sympathizers, with well rehearsed plans of action, 
they can effectively control the remaining 90 percent who act and 
think, on an individual basis. In the large sections of the religious 
field, due to the ideological poison which has been filtered in by Com- 
munists and pro-Communists through seminaries, the backlog of sym- 
pathizers and mental prisoners of socialistic ideology is greater than 
the 10 percent necessary for effective control. 



2280 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 

It is my conviction, as a former leader of the Communist Party, that 
those who lead our Nation must expose this plot and the Communist 
pattern of operation within our churches. If the churchgoing public 
is apprised of the true facts by our investigating institutions they, by 
themselves, will quickly cast the Communist viper out of the house of 
God. 

The Communist strategy of using the cry of "attack on religion" in 
order to stop an inquiry on their attack on religious life should not 
deter those in whose hands lie the responsibility of exposing this 
deadly danger to religion in America. 

Mr. Clardy. Is there any reason why this witness should not be 
released ? 

Mr. KuNziG. No. 

Mr, Clardy. Very well, that concludes the session. 

(The hearing was adjourned at 11 a. m., subject to the call of the 
Chair.) 

( Note. — The following statement was ordered inserted in the record 
at this point:) 

Statement of Hoyt S. Haddock 

To Whom It May Concern: 

Newspaper stories of May 5, 1953, credit Mrs. Dorothy K. Funn, with stating 
in effect that I was one of a group of Communists who met "* * * together in 
the postwar period under Communist Party direction * * *." That "the meet- 
ings were held in her Washington home, 3100 Warder Street NW., and in the 
homes of the other members. 

* * * All 17 members of the group were knowingly Communist Party mem- 
bers, submitting to Communist discipline. They worked to further aims of the 
Communist Party, not of their unions. * * *" 

I want to state categorically, that if Mrs. Funn did in fact make such a state- 
ment, it is incorrect. 

I knew Dorothy Funn as a representative of the National Negro Congress. 
During World War II I met her on frequent occasions at meetings of persons 
interested in civil-rights legislation. These meetings were called in Washington 
offices of organizations and Congressmen interested in bills on poll tax, FEPC, 
antilynch, and so forth. I attended such meetings as a representative of the 
CIO maritime committee or the CIO legislative department. Since coming to 
Washington in 1941, I have been the chairman of the civil-rights subcommittee of 
the CIO legislative department. 

At no time during my assignment here in Washington have I ever been in the 
home of Mrs. Funn. Furthermore, I have never attended any meeting in the 
home of anyone in Washington — Communists or otherwise. Of the 17 persons 
named by Mrs. Funn, I have been in the homes of only 2. The occasion in each 
of these instances was social. The persons involved worked for the CIO maritime 
committee. 

To my knowledge I have never attended any Communist meetings in Wash- 
ington. 

During the war the CIO maritime committee consisted of the National Mari- 
time Union, International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, Interna- 
tional Fishermen and Allied Workers Union, American Communications Asso- 
ciation, National Union of Marine Cooks and Stewards, and the Industrial Union 
of Marine and Shipyard Workers. Of these unions, three were expelled from 
the CIO as unions whose officials followed the Communist line. They were the 
American Communications Association, National Union of Marine Cooks and 
Stewards, International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, and the 
International Fishermen and Allied Workers Union which was at that time part 
of the International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union. I naturally 
worked with the officials of those unions while they were in the CIO maritime 
committee. It should be crystal clear that I never attended any Communist 
meetings with any of those officials at any time. 

Beginning in 194G, I worked actively with some of the menihprs of the Ameri- 
can Communications Association to get rid of Communist domination of radio 
officers. In this we were successful. Then, about 1948, I joined in an active 



COMJVIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE NEW YORK AREA 2281 

campaign with Joseph Curran and other NMU officials to clean the Communists 
out of the National 5laritime Union where they dominated. In this fight we were 
successful. Prior to these dates I was under constant attacks by at least one 
writer in the Daily Worlier and others. 

I cannot account for the error which Mrs. Funn made by including my name 
in her list, unless it was because we were frequently together in attendance at 
meetings on official business for our organizations. I must repeat, however, that 
1 never attended any meeting, business or Communist, in her home or anyone 
else's home as the newspapers indicate she said. 

I do not now nor have I ever held a card in the Communist Party, the Young 
Communist League, the Communist Political Association of America, or any other 
name used by the Communists in the United States, nor do I ascribe to their 
ideology or tactics. Persons who do carry a card in that party are, in my 
opinion, either outright dupes or agents for the Russians. 

To the best of my ability I shall continue to assist in the stamping out of the 
Communist philosophy which is dedicated to the destruction of democracy and 
the dignity of the individual. The record speaks for itself on my long-known 
position that the United States must assist the free world in becoming strong 
enough to destroy the aggressiveness and conquering spirit of the Communists 
throughout the world. 

(Signed) Hott S. Haddock. 



INDEX 



Individuals 

Pate 

Adaraic, Louis 2251, 212:12 

Adams, James Luther 2264, 2273 

Allen, Fran 2134 

Alper, Michael 2178 

Amile. Thomas R 2173 

Amter, Israel 2173, 2174 

Anderson. Eleanor C 2264 

Anderson, Paul B 2117 

Andren, Carl 1981-1990 (testimony) 

Armwood, Lee 2225 

Atkinson, Henry A 2186 

Backunin 2042 

Baintion, Roland H 2273 

Baker, James C 2129, 2132 

Baldwin, Roger 2173, 2182, 2183, 2192, 2193 

Ball. Archey D 21.33 

Ball, Lee H 2092, 2094 

Bancroft, Frank C 2264 

Barbusse, Henri 2172, 2192 

Barclay, Ward Crawford 2118 

Barnett, Albert 2139 

Barr, Mrs. Clinton 2173 

Barsky, Edward K 2133 

Baruch. Bernard 2125 

Batt. Dennis 2075 

Babel 2042 

Bebler 2252 

Bedacht, Max 2173, 2174, 2264 

Beiler, Irwin R 2118 

Belfrage, Cedric 2255, 22.56, 2264 

Bell (alias for Gallagher) 2050, 2051 

Benjamin. Herbert 2163 

Bentley, Elizabeth 2255 

Berger, Victor L 2192 

Bergman, Walter G 2264 

Beria 2266 

Bernstein 2042 

Bethune, Mary McLeod 2090 

Bevin 2252 

Biddle, Francis 1993, 2178 

Biedenkapp. Fred 2173, 2174 

Birkhead. L. M 2264 

Bishop, Shelton Hale 2271 

Bismark 2042 

Bittelman. Alexander 2110, 2111 

Bittner, Van A 2179, 2181 

Black, Howard 2233 

Blackstone, William L 2264 

Blake (alias for J. Peters) 2176 

Blake, Edgar 2179, 2181, 2191, 2102 

Blakestone, Oliver 2133 

Blank, Anna 1978 

Blome, Charles 2173 

2283 
33909— 53— pt. 8- 7 



2284 INDEX 

Page 

Bloor, Ella Reeve 2173, 2174 

Boas, Ernest 2118 

Bodian, Clara 2181, 2183 

Book, Abbott 2271 

Booth, Alan 2229 

Bosch, John 2173 

Bosley, Harold A 2271 

Bowen, Phil 2183 

Bowman, LeRoy E 2173, 2192 

Bozal, Theodore 2229 

Brannan, Eleanor (Elenor) 2178,2183 

Bray, Blanche 2180 

Brickner, Barnett R 2191 

Bridges, Harry (alias Rossi) 1999, 2001, 2002, 2104, 2173, 2174, 2276, 2277 

Brodsky, Joseph 2132 

Browder, Earl 1974, 1978, 1992, 1993, 

2022, 2058, 2087, 2089, 2104, 2107, 2138, 2141, 2147, 2164, 2165, 216&- 
2171, 2173, 2174, 2192, 2193, 2212, 2224-2226, 2230. 

Browder, Irene 2227 

Brown (alias for Gerhart Eisler) 2225 

Brown, Fred (alias Alpi, alias Marini) 2224 

Brown, Jack 2257 

Brown, William 2173 

Brown, William Montgomery 2053, 2076, 2148-2151 

Bryan, Horace 2256-2258 

Bubnov 2039 

Buck, Tim 2183 

Buckley, Nat 2183 

Buckmaster, Henrietta 2264 

Budenz, Louis 2003 

Bukharin, N 2039, 2042, 2050, 2073 

Burlak, Ann 2163 

Burton, Harold 2191 

Butler, Smedley 2191, 2192 

Buttrick, George R 2025 

Byrd, Mabel 2173 

Cadden, Joseph 2181, 21S2 

Calkins, Raymond 2271 

Call, Lon Ray 2233 

Campbell, A. L 2264 

Campion, Martha 2155 

Cantril, Hadley 2025 

Chamberlain 2241 

Chamberlain, William 2097 

Chambers, Whittaker 2088 

Chappell, Winifred 2173, 2174, 2197, 2198, 2264, 2265 

Chase, Donald M 2179 

Chaunt, Peter 2148 

Chibuski, Mike 2257 

Churchill, Winston 2104, 2116, 2130-2133 

Cianfarra, Camille 2072, 2073 

Clark, Tom 2178 

Clausewitz 2039 

Clemmer, William B 2271 

Cochran, William F 2233 

Coe, Albert Buckner 2271 

Coe, George A 2111, 2112, 2173 

Cole. G. D. H 2248 

Comfort, Richard 2264 

Compere, Ralph M 2178, 2179, 2181, 2183, 2184 

Cope, J. Raymond 2271 

Counts, G. S 2097 

Counts, George S 2173 

Cowley, Malcolm 2173 

Craig, Septimus 2184 



INDEX 2285 

Page 

Crane, Henry H 2118 

Crawford, B. F 2180 

Cowl, Margaret (alias for Margaret Undjus) 2106 

Curran, Joseph 2281 

Dalles, Ida 2087, 2178, 2179, 2182, 2183, 2185, 2187 

Dana. H. W. L 2173, 2174 

Darcy, Sam 2133 

Davis, Ben 2272 

Davis, Jerome 2075-2077, 2079, 2088, 2184, 2235, 2247, 2248 

Davis, J. P 2088 

Davis, Joseph E 2250 

Davis, Lewis H 2271 

Dawber, Mark A 22G4 

Dean of Canterbury 2229 

Debert, William 2264 

Debs, Eugene 2229 

Del 2161, 2162 

DeLucca, Anthony 2015, 2016 

Dennis. Eugene 2091, 2110, 2115, 2128, 2131 

Derchinsky 2042 

Detzer, Dorothy 2173 

Dimitrov 2042 

Dimitrov, Georgi , 2165, 2166 

Dimitruck, Anastasia 2158 

Dodd, Bella 2202, 2216, 2219 

Dombrowski, James 2264 

Douglas, T. C 2183 

Dunn, Robert W 2079, 2097, 2104, 2105, 2132 

Dutt, R. Palme 2225 

Eary, Ralph 2184 

Easton, Davis 2236, 2237, 2239 

Eddy, Sherwood 2075, 2076, 2097 

Edwards (alias for Gerhart Eisler) 2224,2225 

Ehrenbourg, Ilya 2246 

Eichelberger, Clark M 2186 

Eisenhower, President 2215, 2229, 2270, 2273 

Eisler, Gerhart (alias Brown, alias Edwards) 2051, 2052, 2225 

Einstein, Albert 2273, 2274 

Ellis, Calvin C 2271 

Engels, Fredrick 2042, 2082 

Eydeman 2039 

Fang Chen-Wu 2192, 2193 

Farley, J ames 2086 

Father Divine 2171, 2225, 2226 

Fenwick, Charles G 2186 

Ferre, Nels F. S 2271 

Fey, Harold 2233 

Field, Frederick V 2228, 2229 

Fine, C. W 2191 

Fish, Fred 2183 

Fisher, Edgar J 2186 

Fletcher, Joseph 2017, 2127, 2129, 2130, 2264 

Fletcher, Martha (Mrs. Harold A. Fletcher, Jr.) 2012, 2015, 2016, 2022 

Fletcher, Norman D 2180 

Flynn, Elizabeth Gurley 2276, 2277 

Forbes, Kenneth R 2025 

Ford, James W 2224, 2225, 2227 

Forman, Clark 2133 

Fors.vth, Margaret E 2092,2094,2173,2174,2186,2191,2192 

Foster, William Z 1978, 2071, 2091, 2118, 2128, 2131, 2167, 2170, 2229 

Franzen, John 2179 

I'rederickson, Mrs. Chris 2178 

Freeman, Lou 2155, 2156 

Fritchman, Stephen 2012, 2015, 2016, 2022 

Funn, Dorothy K 2280, 2281 



2286 INDEX 

Page 

Gallagher (alias Bell) 2050,2051 

Gasperri 2252 

Gates, Maurice 2173 

Gedye - 2241 

Gezork, Herbert 2014, 2025, 2026 

Gilbert, Charles K 2278 

Gilbert, Margaret 2018 

Gitlow, Benjamin 2069-2136 (testimony) 

Glintenkamp, H. J 2203 

Gold, Ben 1999, 2178 

Golden, Clinton S 2181 

Goldman, Paul L 2173 

Goldstein, Benjamin 2173 

Goldstein, Israel 2173 

Goldstein, Sidney 2182 

Grant, Bert 2149, 2150 

Gray. Annie E 2173 

Greeley, Dana McLean 2271 

Green, Gilbert 2083, 2086, 2088, 2173, 2174, 2199, 2214, 2220-2222 

Green, James 2187 

Greenfield, Mr 1987 

Greenglass, Davis 2278 

Guarnaccia, Elizabeth •^--^-^^^- 2016 

Guessev, S. T _- — 2039, 2042 

Guvot, Raymond 2266, 2267 

Haddock, Hoyt S 2280, 2281 

Hahn, Herman C 2264 

Hall, Mai-tin (alias Herman Jacobs) 2130 

Hall, Otto 2148 

Ham. Chester 2184 

Hamilton, Al 2218 

Hamilton, Berta 2183 

Hamilton, Samuel L 2115 

Hand, Learned 2000 

Hansu Chan 2193 

Hardy 2097 

Harris, Kay 2192 

Harris, Thomas L 2186 

Hart, Caroline 2191 

Hartman, Lewis O 2124, 2129, 2132 

Hathaway, Clarence 2173, 2174 

Havs, Arthur Garfield 2183 

Hayes, Max S 2191 

Heller. A. A 2173, 2174 

Henderson, Donald 2173, 2174 

Hendley, Charles J 21S3 

Herling, Jack 2194 

Herndon, Angelo 2182, 2225 

Herring, Elizabeth 2264 

Hews, Amey 2114 

Hickerson, Harold 2173, 2192 

Hieferding 2042 

Hill. Charles A 2271 

Hillman, Sidney 2135, 2228 

Hinckley, William W 2180, 2186 

Hindus, Maurice 2097 

Hirsch, Alfred 2132 

Hirsch, Carl 2215 

Hirshon, Louis M 2271 

Holmes. John Haynes 2077, 2185, 2271 

Hood. Otis Archer . 2010 

Hoover. Herbert 2071, 2086 

Hopkins, Robert M 2273 

Hudson, Roy 2173, 2174 

Hughes 2155 

Hughes, Kenneth de P 2018, 2022, 2271 



INDEX 2287 

Page 

Hughes, Langston 2024,2173, 2174, 2191 

Hull, Cordell 21S0 

Hutchins, Grace 2007, 2106 

lima, Viola 2087, 2140 

Imes, William Lloyd 2178,2183,2184 

Irwin, Clarence 2173,2192, 2193 

Israel, Edward L 2173 

Jackson, Edgar 2179 

Jackson, Lela R 2173 

Jacobs, Herman (alias for Martin Hall) 2130 

Jacobson, John 2180 

James, Daniel 2248, 2249 

Jerome, Victor 2138, 2141 

Jerome, V. J 2276, 2277 

Johnson, A. H 2173 

Johnson, Hewlett 2012, 2022, 2105, 2249 

Johnson, Manning 2138, 2141, 2145-2280 (testimony) 

Johnson, O 2225 

Johnson, Robert Livingston 2026 

Jones, Claudia 2090 

Jones, James A 2271 

Jones, John Paul 2264, 2271 

Kamenev 2039 

Kaplan, Arthur 2184 

Kaufman, Irving 2000 

Kautzky 2042 

Keracher, John 2075 

Kester, Howard 2233 

King, Edna Joyce 2264 

King, Herbert 2173 

Kingston, Kenneth 2184 

Kirkpatrick, Mr 1978 

Kirsienova 2042 

Kling, Jack 2180 

Koger, Harry 2264 

Kornfeder, Joseph Zack 2035-2058 (testimony), 2136 

Kornfeld, Ernest 2173 

Kornilov, K. N 2238 

Kuch, G. Richard 2264 

Kuusinen, Otto 2042, 2071 

Lamont, Corliss 2017, 2173, 2228, 2229 

Lapin, Adam 2115 

Larkin, Jim 2070 

LaSalle 2042 

Lash, Joseph P. (Joe) 2088,2140,2181.2185 

Laski, Harold 2181, 2248 

Lathrop, John Howland 2264 

Lauteiischlager, S 2274-2276 

Lay, Lawrence 2264 

I^e, Howard 2264 

Leech, Bert 2179 

Lehmann, Paul 2025 

Lenin 2042, 2044, 2047, 2077, 2082 

Lerner, James 2088, 2089, 2173, 2174, 2181, 2184, 2189, 2191, 2193 

Lester, Donald 2178 

Leslie, Kenneth 2234, 2242, 2243, 2245 

Levy, Carl H 2182 

Levy, Felix 2180 

Lewis; Samuel 1983 

Lightbody, Charles 2264 

Lindemann, E. C 2173 

Lippman, Walter 2253 

Livingston, David 1990-2005 (testimony) 

Littel, Franklin H 2120,2121 



2288 INDEX 

Pago 

Lloyd, Lola Maverick 2173 

Loomer, Bernard M 2215-2217, 2273 

Lord Halifax 224S 

Losovsky, S 2042 

Lothrop, Donald G 2017, 2184, 2264 

Lovett, Robert Morss 2088, 2173, 2174, 2192, 2193 

Lumpkin, Grace 2106 

MacCallum, John A 2264 

Mackay, John A 2025 

MacKenzie, H. Lincoln 2233 

MacLennan, C. F 2264 

MacNaushton, General 2245 

Macy, Paul G 2264 

Magil, A. B 2229 

Magnes, Judal L 2077 

Magruder, N. Burnett 2264 

Mallett, Reginald 2271 

Malstus 2042 

Mangold, William 2173, 2174 

Mann, Tom 2228 

Manuilsky 2071 

Mao Tse-tung 2252, 2253 

Marcantonio, Vito 2183 

Marley, Harold P 2264 

Martin, J. A 2173 

Matsui, Haru 2193 

Matthews, Stanley 2264 

Maxwell, O. Clay 2273 

Maybee, Ruth 2233 

McCarthy, Joseph 2229, 2263 

McConnell, Dorothy 2088, 2106, 2180. 2182 

McConnell, Francis J 2104, 2139, 2180, 2181, 2186, 2264 

McDonald, Malcolm 2248 

McGowan, Edward D 2270, 2271, 2274 

McGrady, Edward 2163 

McLeod, A. A 2183, 2193 

McMichael, Jack R 1992, 2084-2089, 2092, 2093, 2107, 

2114, 2124, 2131, 2132, 2135, 2137-2141, 2198, 2199, 2228, 2264, 2265 

McNutt, Waldo 2087, 2173, 2183, 2184, 2191 

Medina, Harold 2010, 2025, 2214 

Melish, John Howard 2271 

Michelson, Clarina 2152, 2153 

Michelson, William 1970, 1971-1981 (testimony) 

Miller, Charles L 2180 

Miller, Clyde R 2264 

Miller, Marion M 2186 

Mingulin 2042 

Minor, Robert 2178 

Molotov 2071 

Mondale, R. Lester 2173 

Moore, Joseph G 2264 

Moos, Elizabeth 2012, 2016, 2022 

Morford, Richard 2114, 2126, 2127 

Morgan, J. P 2167, 2181 

Morgan, Lome T 2183 

Morris, J. Carroll 2089 

Mortimer, Wyndham 2191 

Muelder, Walter G 2119 

Mulkey, Floyd 2134 

Nash, Norman B 2270, 2271 

Nelson, John Oliver 2271 

Nelson, Steve 2088 

Neumann, Henry 2271 

Niebuhr, Reinhold 2181, 2233 

Niemoller, Martin 2236 

Nixon, Russell A 1977 



INDEX 2289 

Page 

Nuncio, Tito 2178 

Oak, Liston 2088 

O'Dwyer, Mayor 1988 

Oldham, G. A 2186 

Oliver. Gene 2192 

Onisick, Peter 2173 

Osman, Artliur 2004, 2005-2007 (testimony) 

Ovseyenko, Antonov 2039 

Oxnam, G. Bromley 2029, 2114, 211G, 2124, 2129, 2132, 2136 

Paddock, Robert L 2182 

Page, Kirby 2075,2076 

Paine, (ieorge L 2271 

Palev, Jack 2004, 2005-2007 (testimony) 

Palmer. Albert W 2271 

Palmer, Frank 2191 

Palmer, Mitcliell 2242 

Pass, Joseph 2192, 2193 

Patch. Harold 2187 

Patterson, Leonard 2136-2143 (testimony) 

Patterson, Samuel C 2173, 2174 

Patterson, William L 2274 

Pauck, William 2180 

Pearson, Lester 1983 

Pederson, Harold 2180 

Penner, Albert J 2273 

Perkins, Secretary 2163 

Peron, Jean 2192 

Peters, J 2176 

Petersen, Hjalmar 2183 

Petrov, Vladimir 2059-2069 (testimony) 

Philhrick, Herbert A 2007-2030 (testimony) 

Phillian, Alex 2182 

Piatakov 2042 

Piatnitzky 2042, 2047 

Piatt, David 2228 

Plavner, Murray 2089 

Poindexter, D. R 2173 

Poling, Daniel A 2019, 2025 

Pollock 2097 

Poole, Frederick G 2118 

Pope, Liston 2264 

Porter, Paul 2193 

Potamkin, Alan 2157, 2158 

Poteat, E. McNeill 2264 

Powell, A. Clayton, Jr 2173 

Puner, Samuel P " 2182 

Quirt, Walter 2155 

Rautenstrauch, Walter 2090, 2092, 2123 

Ray, Demas 2257 

Ray, Frank 2257 

Read, Ralph 2233 

Reed, John 2070 

Reid, Paul 2178, 2180-2185, 2191, 2192 

Reisman, Philip 2158 

Reissig, Herman F 2086, 2186. 2192 

Remington, William 2012, 2022 

Renahan, George 2182 

Reynolds, Alonzo W 2182 

Reynolds, Bertha C 2264 

Reynolds, Jimmie 2257 

Ricardo 2042 

Richards, W. S 2189 

Rigby, Lisle 2162 

Roberts, George 2202, 2203 

Roberts, Paul 2271 

Robeson, Paul 2024, 2091, 2228, 2229, 2272 



2290 INDEX 

Page 

Robinson, James H 2273 

Robinson, Reid 2088 

Rochester, Anna 2097 

Rockefeller, John D., Jr 2167 

Roelofs, Henrietta 2186 

Rolland, Romain 2092 

Rome, Dennis 2257 

Roosevelt, Archibald 2031, 2032-2034 (testimony) 

Roosevelt, Eleanor 2087. 2247 

Roosevelt, President 2087, 2104, 2115, 2116, 2190, 2211, 2243 

Roots, Bishop 2236 

Rosenberg, Ethel 2013, 2022. 2053, 2054, 205G, 2214-2218, 2263, 2272-2274 

Rosenberg, Julius 2013, 2022, 2053, 2054, 2056, 2214-2218, 2263, 2272-2274 

Rosenfeld, Kurt 2193 

Rossi (alias for Harry Bridges) 2277 

Rudasz 2042 

Rueggeberg, F. C 2182 

Samsay, John G 2124 

Sanchez, Leonardo Fernandez 2193 

Satterwhite, J. H 2271 

Saunders, Wilbur E 2271 

Schappes, Morris U 1975 

Scherer, Paul 2273 

Schmaltz, Alfred 2185 

Scott, Byron N 2186 

Scott, Elizabeth 2180 

Sheinberg, Arthur 1970, 1971-2007 

Shepard, Henry 2173, 2174 

Shepherd, Massey H., Jr 2271 

Shipler, Guy Emery 2271,2272 

Shotwell. James T 2186 

ShiUTipert, Robert D 2264 

Sirovich, William I 2180 

Sissons, Anna 2183 

Sister Granoff 2184 

Sizer, Leonard M 2264 

Smith, Alfred E 2070 

Smith, Alson J 2092, 2093, 2113, 2114 

Smith, Jessica 2228 

Smith, Treadwell 2160, 2161, 2173 

Smith, Tucker P 2077 

Snow, Mrs. Sidney B 2264 

Soglow. Otto 2162 

Soule, Isobel Walker 2106 

Speer, Robert K 2183 

Spence, Ben ~ 2183 

Spencer, Frederick 2275 

Spofford, Wm. B 2076, 2077, 2079, 

2090, 2107-2109, 2173, 2183, 2184, 2186, 2233, 2236, 2264, 2271 

Stachel. Jack 1978, 2118, 2276-2278 

Stalin, Joe 2042, 2050, 2071, 2083, 2104, 2116, 2129 

Steffens, Lincoln 2173, 2174 

Stein, Peter 2004, 2005-2007 (testimony) 

Stevens, Alexander {see also J. Peters) 2176 

Stevens, Bennett 2166 

Stevens, Thelma 2124 

Stewart, Maxwell S 2173 

Stitt, Jesse W 2273 

Strong, Anna Louise 2105, 2250, 2251 

Stron'^ Josiah 2250 

Strong, Sidney 2077 

Struik, Dirk J 2090 

Sullivan, William Wallace 22G4 

Sverdlov 2042 

Tawuey, R. H 2181 



INDEX 2291 

Past 

Taylor, Alva W 2132, 2133, 2264 

Taylor, G. W 2271 

Teitelbauni. Kabbi 2258, 2259 

Thayer, Russell 2186 

Thompson, John B 22(54 

Thompson, Louise 2173, 2174 

Thompson, Robert 1988, 2090, 2131 

Thompson, T. K 2273 

Tillic'h, Paul 2025 

Timoshenko, Serayon 2245, 2246 

Tippett 2097 

Tito 2251, 2252 

Tittle, Ernest Freemont 2117 

Tobias, Channing H 2264 

Trachtenberg, Alexander 2008 

Trevelyan. Sir Charles 2116 

Trotsky, Leon 2037 

Truman, President 1976, 2023, 2035, 2118, 2131, 2132, 2134, 2252, 2270, 2273 

Tuchachevsky 2039 

Tucker, Irwin St. John 2077 

Tucker, Leonard 2118 

Tunney, Gene 2086, 2089 

Uudjus, Margaret (alias Margaret Cowl) 2106 

Uphaus, Willard E 2092, 2093, 2107, 2133, 2264 

Drey, Harold E 2273, 2274 

Valinsky, R. H 2180 

Villard, Oswald Garrison 2183 

Vishinsky 2252,2258 

Vlastos, Gregory 2264 

Vrabel, Helen 2180 

Wagenknecht, Alfred 2173, 2174 

Wallace, Henry A 2118, 2134 

Walter, Felic 2183 

Waltmire, W. B 2180, 2185 

Ward, Harry F 2049-2052, 

2057, 2058, 2075-2077, 2079, 2080, 2084, 2080-2090, 2092, 2093, 2097, 
2102-2105, 2107-2109, 2111, 2113, 2114, 2118, 2132, 2133, 2138, 2140- 
2143, 2169, 2171-2174, 2176-2178, 2180-2183, 2186, 2189, 2192, 2193, 
2198, 2201, 2202, 2207-2209, 2211, 2212, 2228-2230, 2233, 2239, 2264, 
22G6, 2278. 

Ward, Lynd 2264 

Warne, Colston E 2173 

Watson. Goodwin 2106 

Webb, S. B 2097 

Webber, Charles C— 2085, 2086, 2088, 2092, 2104, 2107, 2132, 2135, 2136, 2191, 2264 

Webster, James 2173 

Wechsler, James A 2173, 2174, 2187, 2229 

Weil, F. Taylor 2022 

Weinstock, Louis 2173, 2174 

Weir, Forrest C 2271 

Werlick, John 2173 

West, Donald L 2234 

White, Charlie 2140 

White, Eliot 2011, 2012, 2015, 2022, 2230 

Whitfield, Owen H 2264 

Whitten, Richard Bobb 2173 

Wieman, Henry N 2180 

Williams, Albert Rhys 2075, 2076, 2079, 2105 

Wiliia-ms, Claude C 2052, 2053, 2107, 2256-2260, 2263-2265 

Williams, Daniel C 2264 

Williams, Joyce 2257-2259 

W^illiam, Sidney R 2264 

Williamson, John 2131 

Wilson, Charles C 2264 

Wilson, President 2155, 2204 

Winchell, Walter 2229 



2292 INDEX 

Page 

Winston, Henry 2024, 2272 

Winter, Ella 2173, 2174 

Wise, James Waterman 2186, 2192, 2193 

Wise, Stephen S . 2077, 2186 

Wofsy, Leon 2091 

Wolfe, Rolland E 2271 

Woltman, Frederick 2139 

Womack, Arthur W 2271 

Wright, Alex V 2173 

Wright, Jay 2183 

Yaroslawsky, Emil 2043, 2050, 2147 

Yergan, Max 2088, 2283, 2265 

Young, Art 2261, 2262 

Zimmerman, Charles 2173 

Zunzer, Helen 2156 

Organizations 

All-American Anti-Imperialist League 2077 

Amalgamated Association of Iron, Tin and Steel Workers, Ohio 2184 

Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America 2135 

Amalgamated Clothing Workers Union 2228 

American Association of Writers and Artists 2040 

American Civil Liberties Union 2179, 2182, 2228 

American Committee for Democracy and Intellectual Freedom 2093 

American Committee for Indonesian Independence 2094 

American Committee for Protection of the Foreign Born 1973, 1974, 

1982, 2020, 2054, 2094 

American Committee to Save Refugees 2093 

American Communications Association 2040, 2280 

American Council on Soviet Relations 2115, 2132 

American Federation of Labor 2121, 2183, 2186, 2227 

American Federation of Labor, Cleveland 2191 

American Friends of Spanish Democracy 2093 

American League Against War and Fascism 2052, 2084-2086, 2088 

2106, 2137, 2140, 2141, 2161, 2169-2174, 2176-2179, 2181, 2185-2188, 
2190-2193, 2195-2197, 2202, 2205, 2206, 2208. 2212, 2213, 2228, 2230 

American League for Peace and Democracy 2084-2086, 

2088, 2093, 2094, 2106, 2186, 2198, 2202, 2206, 2212, 2228, 2236 

American Legion 2191 

American Newspaper Guild 2040 

American Peace Mobilization 1993, 2040, 2094 

American Rescue Ship Mission 2133 

American Russian Institute 2106 

American Student Union 2088, 2181 

American Youth Congress 1992, 

1993, 2083-2089, 2093, 2137, 2140, 2180, 2214, 2222, 2223 

American Youth for Democracy 1993, 1994, 2011, 2012, 2017, 2022, 2090, 2107 

American Youth League 2087 

Andover-Newton Theological Seminary 2014, 2025 

Anti-God Society of the Soviet Union 2050 

Baptist Young People's Union 2220,2222 

Batorii 2225 

Bloomingdale's Local 3, Department Store Employees Union 1981, 19S2 

Boston School for Marxist Studies 2010 

Boston University 2139 

Boy Scouts 2155, 2160, 2161 

Bretton Woods Conference 2115, 2119, 2120 

British Labor Party 2183 

Bronx Busy Bees_ — 2161 

Brookwood Labor College 2180 

Buenos Aires Peace Conference 2182 

Bureau of University Travel 2248 

Cambridge Committee for Equal Opportunities 2022 

Cambridge Youth Council— 2026 

Canadian League Against War and Fascism 2183 

Canadian Royal Commission 2125 



INDEX 2293 

Page 

Catholic Association for International Peace 2186 

Catholic Charity 2002 

Central Labor Union 2180 

Central Labor Union, Toledo 2184 

Central Pioneer Bureau 2151 

Chicago Anti-War and Anti-B\ascist Congress 2207 

Chicago Conference on Race Relations 2117 

Chicago University Divinity School 2273 

Children's Coniniittee Against War and Fascism 2161 

China Aid Council 2106,2184 

China Welfare Fund 2094 

Christian American Association 2120 

Christian Endeavor 2181 

Christian Mobilizers 2120 

Christian Social Action Movement 2095 

Christian Youth Council of North America 2089 

Church Federation of Ix>s Angeles 2271 

Church League for Industrial Democracy 2126,2184,2236 

Citizens Committee for Harry Bridges 2093 

Citizens Military Training Corps 2196 

City College of New York 1971,1975 

Civilian Conservation Corps 2196 

Civil Rights Congress 1977, 1982, 1998, 2054, 2274 

Cleveland Federation of Labor 2191 

Colgate-Rochester Divinity School 2271 

Columbia University 2123 

Comintern 2039, 2040, 

2042, 2050, 2071, 2074, 2077, 2079, 2082, 2083, 2086, 2091, 2105, 2115 

Commissariat of Foreign Affairs in the Soviet Government 2075 

Committee for Citizenship Rights 2094 

Committee for Democracy and Intellectual Freedom 2103 

Committee of One Thousand 2093, 2094 

Committee on African Affairs 2263 

Committee to Defend the Rosenbergs 2054 

Committee to Free Earl Browder 1974 

Committee to Secure Justice in the Rosenberg Case 2022 

Commonwealth College, Mena, Ark 2263 

Communist Information Bureau 2225 

Communist International 2036, 2043, 2046, 2050, 2051, 

2071, 2074, 2075, 2079, 2130, 2151, 2165, 2172, 2224, 2225, 2250, 2275 

Communist International, Anglo-American Secretariat 2036- 

2038, 2050, 2051, 2079 

Communist International, Sixth World Congress 2043 

Communist International, Seventh World Congress 2083 

Conference for Progressive Labor Action 2194 

Conference of Methodist Youth 2139 

Conference on Constitutional Liberties 2133 

Congress of Industrial Organizations 1971, 

1983, 1984, 1992, 1999, 2003, 2040, 2043, 2186 

Congress of Industrial Organizations — Political Action Committee 2136 

Congress of Industrial Organizations — Political Action Committee, 

Virginia 2135 

Contemporary Publishing Association 2073 

Continental Congress 2194 

Cooperative Commonwealth Federation Clubs 2183 

Cornell University 2076 

Council for Social Action 2185 

Cultural Workers in Motion Pictures and Other Arts 2094 

Department of Justice 2104, 2215. 2229 

Department of Justice, Immigration and Naturalization Service, Inves- 
tigation Section of 2146 

Department Store Employees Union of New York City 2134 

Detroit Federation of Labor 2184 

Distributive, Processing and Office Workers of America, CIO 1984, 

1991, 1992,2003 
Dumbarton Oaks Conference 2114 



2294 INDEX 

Page 

Emergency Civil Liberties Committee 2025 

Emergency Peace Campaign 21S0 

Emergency Peace Campaign Committee, Pittsburgh 2180 

Epics 2179 

Episcopal Theological Seminary in Cambridge, Mass 2017, 2271 

Epworth League 2178 

Ethical Culture Society 2271 

Evangelical and Reformed Council for Social Reconstruction 2126 

Farmer-Labor Political Federation 21 S4 

Farmers Holiday 2178 

Federal Bureau of Investigations— 2008,2017,2019,2021,2026,2029,2104,2210 

Federal Communications Commission 2106, 2107 

Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America 2025, 2181 

Finnish Federation Pioneers 2160 

Foreign Language Publishing House, Moscow 2129 

Foreiyn Mission lioard of the National Baptist Convention, Inc 2271 

Fort William Independent Labor Party 2183 

Fraternal Council of Churches 2272 

Free Food Fighters Club 2161 

Friends for Protection of Foreign Born 2078 

Friends of Russia 2025 

Friends of the Soviet Union 2077, 2080, 2080, 2106, 2115 

Fur and Leather Workers Union, CIO 1999 

George Washington Carver School 1997 

German-American League for Culture 2130 

Gimbels 1978 

Girl Scouts 2155, 2178 

Golden Rule Foundation 2273 

Greater New York Emergency Conference on Inalienable Rights 2094,2115 

Greater New York Fund 2002 

Hands Off China Committee 2078 

Hartford Theological Seminary 2075 

Harvard University 2186 

Hearns 1987 

Hood Theological Seminary 2271 

Hoover Institute and Library of Stanford University 2072 

Industrial Union of Marine and Shipyard Workers 2280 

Institute of Pacitic Relations 2027 

Interchurch World Movement 2180, 2181 

Intercollegiate Christian Council 2091 

International Fishermen and Allied Worker's Union 2280 

International Juridical Association 2040 

International Labor Defense 1977, 2077, 2080, 2086, 2154 

International Legion in the Red Army 2076 

International Lungshoremen s and Warehousemen's Union 2280 

International Longshoremen's Association of San Francisco 2184 

International of Youth 2214,2216,2219,2222 

International Press Correspondence 2130 

International Publishers 2047, 2147 

International Workers Order 2094,2164,2180 

International Workers Order Juniors 2160 

Jefferson Scliool of Social Science 2017 

Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee 2017 

"Keep America Out of War Congress" 2089 

Konsomol 2072 

Labor Research Association 2079, 2097, 2104, 2135 

Labor Youth League 2090, 2091 

League of Nations 2196 

League of Nations Association 2181,2186,2194 

League of Struggle for Negro Rights 2227 

League of Women Voters 2181 

Lenin Institute 2050 

Lenin Scliool, Moscow 2036, 2038, 2043, 2044, 2047, 2048, 2057, 2106 

Lenin University, Moscow 2039,2042 

Living Church 2186 

London Conference for World Trade Union Unity 2121 



INDEX 2295 

Page 

London School of Economics 2248 

L'Unita Operatia 2178 

Massachusetts Conference of Conirregational-Christian Churches 2271 

IMassnchusotts Youth Council of Boston 2020 

Meariville Tlieolosical Seminary 2273 

Methodist Church Hi-League 2178 

Methodist Federation for Social Action (formerly Methodist Federation 

for Social Service) 2040, 2nr>0, 20n2, 20r>n, 2057. 2nr.8, 

20S2, 2084, 2085, 2088-2000, 200.3-2102. 2104-2122, 2125-2128, 2130- 
2136, 2139, 2177, 2181. 2184, 21 SG, 2197, 2198, 2201, 2202, 2228, 2230 

Michigan State Or.ganization of the Socialist Party 2075 

Mid Eastern University, Moscow 2082 

Minnesota Farmer-Lahor Juniors 21S0 

"MOPR"— American Branch 2086 

Morehouse College, Atlanta 2001 

Moscow University 2238 

Mother Bloor Celebration Committee 2086 

Murder, Inc 2243 

NAC Bureau 2140 

Nation Associates 21 16 

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People 2002,2182 

National Association of Manufacturers 2110 

National Committee to Defend Negro Leadership 2023, 2274 

National Committee to Keep Prices Down 2109 

National Committee to Secure Justice for the Rosenbergs 2274 

National Committee to Win the Peace 1096 

National Conference of Jewish Youth Organizations 2091 

National Conference of Methodist Youth 2091 

National Council of American-Soviet Friendship 2017 

National Council of Churches 2273 

National Council of Jewish Y'outh 2091 

National Council of Methodist Youth 2089, 2181, 2185, 21S6, 2213 

National Council of the Youth Congress 2184 

National Council to Aid Agricultural Labor 2003 

National Emergency Conference Call 2117 

National Emergency Conference for Democratic Rights 2094 

National Farmers Union 2109 

National Federation for Constitutional Liberties 1977, 2093, 2094 

National Guard 2188-2190, 2194, 2207-2211 

National Intercollegiate Christian Council 2089 

National Labor Relations Board 1986 

National Lawyers Guild 2028 

National Maritime Union 2040, 2280. 2281 

National Miners Union 2153. 2154 

National Negro Congress 2140. 2280 

National Recovery Administration 2098, 2099 

National Student Federation 2181 

National Student League 2184 

National Training School of the Communist Party 2277 

National Union of Marine Cooks and Stewards 2280 

National University, Peking 2080 

National Youth Committee of the Protestant Episcopal Church 2091 

National Friends Scouts 2160 

Negro Labor Congress 2263 

New Age Publishers 1903 

New Century Publishers 2229 

New York City Children's Conference Against War and Fascism 2160 

New York City League Against War and Fascism 2160 

New York East Annual Conference 2187 

New Y'ork East Conference of the Methodist Church 2"7l 

New York National Guardsman 2100 

New York Public Library 2088 

New York State Trade Union Committee to Free Earl Browder 1074 

New York Stores P:mployees Union, Local 2 1973 

New York University 2115 

North American Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy 2086, 2182 



2296 INDEX 

Page 

Northern California-Nevada Council of Churches 2271 

OGPU 2049 

Pacific School of Religian, Berkeley, Calif 2130 

People's Congress for Peace and Democracy 2180 

People's Institute of Applied Religion 2052 

2053, 2055, 2057, 2058, 2094, 2107, 2177, 2260, 2263-2265 

People's Lobby 2194 

People's Mandate to Governments 2182 

People's Press - 2191 

Physician's Forum 2118 

Pioneers 2087 

Pioneers of Ethiopia 2178 

Pioneer Youth of America - 2160 

Presbyterian Fellowship for Social Action 2126 

Princeton Theological Seminary 2025 

Princeton University 2025 

Profintern _ 2036, 2071, 2079 

Proletarian Party 2075 

Protestant Digest Council for Democracy 2231 

Protestant Forum Associates 2115 

Rauschenbush Fellowship of Baptists 2126 

Red International Labor Unions 2036 

Red Trade Union International - 2071 

Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union, CIO 1992 

Retail & Wholesale Department Store Clerks, joint board 1976 

Rural Youth Association 2094 

Russian National Mutual Aid Society 2160 

Saks 1978 

Samuel Adams School 2017, 2018 

Schappes Defense Committee 1975' 2094 

Scottsboro case 2226,' 2227 

Second United States Congress Against War and Fascism 2189 

Second World Youth Congress 2267 

Social Action Fellowship 2126 

Social Action Movement 2096 

Socialist Ministers Protective Association 2095 

Socialist Party 2086, 2070, 2075, 2183, 2193, 2194 

Social- Work Action Committee 2124 

Society for Technical Aid to Russia 2081 

Society of the Godless 2105 

Sound View Foundation 2132 

Southern Conference for Human Welfare 2132, 2133 

Soviet Embassy, Washington 2026 

Steel Workers Organizing Committee 2179, 2181 

Student Religious Association, Lane Hall, University of Michigan 2120 

Teachers College, Columbia University 2106 

Teachers' Union 2040, 2179, 2183 

Temple University \ ' 2026 

Third Commission at Geneva 2267, 2269 

Third United States Congress Against War and Fascism 2191 

Thirty-third Division, Illinois National Guard 2189 

Trade Union and Labor Commission 2192 

212th Coast Artillery Antiaircraft Regiment 2189, 2190, 2210 

Union Theological Seminary 2025, 2076, 2085, 2142, 2186, 2228, 2229, 2273 

Unitarian Fellowship for Social Justice 2126 

United American Spanish Aid Committee 2133 

United Christian Council for Democracy 2114, 2126-2128, 2230-2233 

United Council of Working Class Women 2181 

United Front 2224, 2226, 2227, 2236 

United Furniture Workers, CIO Local 92 2229- 

United Mine Workers of America 2184 

United Nations 2024, 2025, 2108, 2115, 2119, 2125, 2131, 2139, 2245 

United Nations Assembly 2252 

United Nations Atomic Energy Commission 2125 

United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Conference 2108 

United Nations Security Council 2134,2126 

United Retail and Wholesale Employees Unions, Local 2, CIO 1971, 1975 



INDEX 2297 

Page 

United Retail and Wholesale Workers Union, Local 3 11)72 

URWEDSEA-CIO, Local 65 1996, 1998 

United States Army 2207, 2209 

United States Con^^ress Against War and Fascism 2182, 2193 

United States Navy 2203 

United Steelwurkers of America, CIO 2124 

United Student Peace Committee 21S5 

United Wliolesale Employees of New York 1993 

United Wholesale and Warehouse Workers, CIO 1992 

University of Chicago 2088 

University of Chicago Divinity School 2215, 2218 

\ iiiveiSiiy of Southern California 2119 

Urban League 2181 

Vanderbilt University 2132, 2271 

Western Reserve University 2271 

\> uoiesaie una Warehouse Workers Union, Local 65 1997, 1999 

WIL 2180 

Win tiie Peace Conference in Washington 1995, 1996 

Women's Commission of the Communist Party 2106 

Women's World Congress Against War and Fascism 2195 

Workers Alliance 2093 

Workers' Congress 2162 

Workers International Relief 2078, 2080, 2154 

Workers Library Publishers 2043, 2147, 2225-2227, 2230 

Works Progress Administration 2180 

World Committee of the League Against War and Fascism 2192 

World Congress Against War 2172 

World Federation of Trade Unions 2121, 2124, 2135 

World Labor Congress 2121 

World Peace Congress 2086 

World Trade-Union Conference 2121 

World Youth Congress 2180 

Yale University 2059, 2184 

Yale University Divinity School 2248, 2271, 2273 

Yalta Conference 2114, 2115 

Young Communist International 2151,2214,2221,2266 

Young Communist League 1991-1994, 2008, 

2009, 2011, 2040, 2083, 2084, 20S6, 2088-2090, 2107, 2114, 2136-2138, 
2140, 2141, 2151, 2157, 2180, 2184, 2194, 2199, 2214, 2220-2223, 2281 

Young Defenders 2160 

Young Epics 2184 

Young Men's Christian Association 2074, 2079, 2091, 2181, 2183-2185 

Young Men's Hebrew Association 2180, 2223 

Young People's Socialist League 2184 

Young People's Society 2178 

Young Pioneers 2151, 2157, 2158, 2160, 2164, 2223 

Young Progressives of America 2091 

Young Women's Christian Association 2180, 2181, 2184, 2185 

Youth Committee for May Day, 1940 2093 

Youth Conference Against War and Fascism 2189 

Youth for Victory 2017, 2022 

Publications 

American Magazine 2250 

China Today 2274 

Christian Advocate (The Voice of Methodism) 2139 

Christian Herald 2019, 2025 

Churchman, The 2186, 2271 

Communist, The 2165, 2167, 2227 

Communist International (Publication) 2225 

Crisis Leaflets 2098-2101, 2127 

Daily People's World 2022 

Daily Worker 1971, 

1973-1975, 1977, 1978, 1982, 1988, 1989, 1992, 1994-1996, 1998, 1999, 
2003, 2013, 2020, 2022, 2023, 2032, 2033, 2054, 2088, 2098, 2099, 2115, 
2130, 2131, 2133, 2139, 2215, 2217, 2218, 2225, 2228, 2260, 2262, 2266, 
2270, 2272-2274, 2277, 2281. 



2298 INDEX 

Page 

Equality 2093 

Fight . 20S5 

2088, 2094, 2169, 2173-2175, 2177-2193, 2195-2197, 2192, 2202, 2203, 

2207, 2209, 2210, 2213. 

Harper's 2186 

In Fact 2109, 2185 

Leaders Handbook 2095-2097 

London Times 2241 

Masses and Mainstream 2024 

Moscow News 2250 

New Masses "2087, 2089, 2oi)3, ;n30 

New Pioneer 2149-2158, 2160, 2162, 2164 

New Republic 2242 

New World Review 2228 

New York Herald Tribune 2007,2012,2013,2027,2029 

New York Post 2229 

New York Times 2033, 2073, 2241. 2274 

New Y«)rk World Telegram 2138, 2139 

Party Organizer 2224 

Peace News 2133 

PM "__ir 2100 

Political Affairs _ 2110, 2115, 2118, 2128 

Protestant, Tlie 2094, 2115, 2132. 

2233, 2235-2237, 2245-2251, 2255, 2256, 2260, 22G6, 2270, 2274 

Protestant Digest 2058, 2230, 2231, 2233-2236, 2239, 2242, 2243, 2260, 2266, 2270 

Review ' 1993 

Social Questions Bulletin 2090,2093,2102,2104-2115, 

2117, 2119, 2120, 2122, 2123, 2127, 2130, 2132, 2133, 2134, 2136 

Soviet Russia Today 2088, 2092, 2106, 2116 

Spotlight, AYD 2090 

Survey Graphic 2076 

This Week 2029 

Trends & Tides 2251 

Volksecho 2130 

Wall Street Journal 2239 

Wasliington Star 19,S3 

Witness 2236, 2271 

Women Today ' 21O6 

Worker 1975, 1999,'2022, 2272 

Worker's Child 2151 

Young Communist League 1938 "Yearbook" l!)91 

Young Communist Review 2266, 2267 

Zions Herald ' 2139 



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